Showing posts with label Political Figures. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Political Figures. Show all posts

February 22, 2020

55 Things About Mike Bloomberg You Won't Read on The Paper




             Image result for mike bloomberg as a teen



Mike Bloomberg’s sudden climb up the polls has been fueled by an unprecedented gusher of cash, a self-funded, blank-check campaign buildup and blanket advertising designed to introduce the $64-billion man to a national electorate that mostly didn’t follow his 12-year tenure as mayor of New York or his groundbreaking career as the founder of his eponymous financial services, data and media conglomerate.

Bloomberg arrives on the debate stage Wednesday night without the year or more of coverage that has been focused on his top rivals—to say nothing of the eight debates he missed. What do voters need to know? Here, culled from biographies, his memoir and coverage over the years in major news outlets, is a quick primer on the life of Michael Rubens Bloomberg, born on Valentine’s Day in 1942 in Boston, one of the richest people in the world and the most recent entrant in this topsy-turvy 2020 presidential cycle. Wednesday night‘s debate in Nevada is the first for which he’s qualified, the result of a change in the rules that eliminated the donor threshold. 

There are, after all, lots of things you’ll never learn from a campaign ad.

***

1. His father was a bookkeeper at a dairy and never earned more than $6,000 a year.

2. His mother persuaded the family’s Irish attorney to buy a house in suburban Medford, Massachusetts, and quickly resell it to the Bloombergs because real estate agents wouldn’t sell to Jews.

3. One of Bloomberg’s favorite television shows as a boy was John Cameron Swayze’s “Camel News Caravan.” He wrote a letter to Swayze explaining that the one-humped mascot on the cigarette package was not, in fact, a camel but specifically a dromedary.

4. An Eagle Scout, he escorted elderly residents to polls—including, twice, the mother of aviator Amelia Earhart.

5. His favorite book as a teenager was Johnny Tremain, the novel by Esther Forbes about the poor boy who becomes a spy for Paul Revere. He read it, he has said, “at least 50 times.”

6. At Medford High School, he was president of the slide rule club and a member of the debating society. In the yearbook, which described each senior with one word, Bloomberg was called “argumentative.” He wrote a paper as a senior contending that President Franklin D. Roosevelt knew in advance about Japan’s plans to attack Pearl Harbor and let it happen because he thought World War II was going to happen anyway and it would lead the United States into the conflict and out of the Depression.

7. At Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, he was an engineering major, a mostly C student, the first Jewish member of Phi Kappa Psi, president of his fraternity and president of his class. He talked to his friends about wanting to be the president of the United States.

8. When he got into Harvard Business School, his mother said, “Don’t let it go to your head.”

9. Flat feet kept him out of Vietnam.

10. His first job after grad school, starting in June 1966, was at Salomon Brothers, the Wall Street investment bank, where he counted securities by hand and made $9,000 a year.

11. His first three months at Salomon coincided with a heatwave in New York City, during which he was assigned to work “in an unairconditioned bank vault” counting securities by hand. He and his co-workers stripped to their underwear and shared “an occasional six-pack of beer.”

12. He prided himself on getting into the office by 7 a.m, earlier than anyone else except managing partner Billy Salomon (son of the company’s founder), which endeared him to Salomon.

13. He smoked until he was in his early 30s. He quit by imagining his worst enemy outliving him. Who that was, or is, he has never said.

14. In August 1972, he was passed over for a partnership in Salomon, which he found out when his name was noticeably absent from a very public list of new partners. “I had been passed over and, with such a big group accepted, humiliated as well,” he wrote in his memoir. “It was so bad, there wasn't even anyone left with whom I could commiserate. I was devastated.”

15. Three months later, he was named a partner.

16. In January 1976, he piloted a helicopter that was on fire, touching down on a tiny island off Connecticut. “All pilots learn to make a commitment and stick to it, follow the book, and depend on others to do the same,” he would explain. “Those who don’t, don’t survive.”

17. He got married, later that year, at 34, to the daughter of a retired Royal Air Force wing commander. Together, they had two daughters.

18. In 1979, Bloomberg was demoted (allegedly because of criticisms he aimed at colleagues) and was shifted off the trading floor to oversee information systems. He used the next two years to learn more about early computers and come up with essentially an embryonic Bloomberg Terminal.

19. He was fired in 1981 after Salomon was purchased. Bloomberg, as a partner, voted to accept the acquisition bid after realizing he would receive a payout of $10 million in cash. He used the money to start his own company.

20. In 1986, he changed the name of his company from Innovative Market Systems to Bloomberg LP, part of a conscious effort to make himself central to the brand’s image.

21. Here are some things he’s said according to a gag gift some staff gave him for his birthday in 1990: “Make the customer think he’s getting laid when he’s getting fucked.” “The three biggest lies are: The check’s in the mail, I’ll respect you in the morning, and I’m glad that I’m Jewish.” “If women wanted to be appreciated for their brains, they’d go to the library instead of to Bloomingdale’s.” “Whenever my wife catches me eyeing some broad, she’s very careful to turn to me and say, ‘That’s the most expensive piece of ass in the world.’”

22. He got divorced in 1993.

23. He has never remarried.

24. In 1997, for his memoir, Bloomberg by Bloomberg, he tried but failed to get a promotional blurb from the pope.

25. In 2000, in London, he hosted 1,500 employees at a “Seven Deadly Sins” gala at a converted warehouse where areas were labeled lust, gluttony, greed, sloth, wrath, envy and pride. For gluttony, there were sweets, sushi, and truffles; for lust, there were drag queens, massage rooms and a massive silk-covered bed; for greed, there were entertainers waving bills and shouting, “Money, ain’t it gorgeous?”

26. For decades, he scheduled his own appointments for the same $35 haircut.

27. He switched his registration from Democratic to Republican in the run-up to running for mayor of New York in 2001.

28. In his speech announcing his initial mayoral candidacy, he used “I” 117 times.

29. He once complimented Donald Trump for crediting the role others played in his business success. “The selfish loner who phrases everything as 'I' or 'me' will never go the limit. Not one of the businessmen and businesswomen at the top really deep down inside thinks that he or she did it alone,” he wrote in his memoir. “The press may write about Dede in art auctions, The Donald in real estate, Martha and homemaking, Bill and software … [but] the more successful you are, the more likely it is that ‘you’ is a group.”
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30. Early in his first campaign, a potential voter asked Bloomberg about the Second Amendment. “And that one is?” he said.

31. After pledging he wouldn’t spend more than $30 million on his first campaign—“at some point, you start to look obscene,” he said—he eventually spent $73,391,461 of his own money.

32. He took an annual salary as mayor of $1. After Social Security deductions, he once said, his paychecks came to 93 cents. He framed them uncashed.

33. He hired his daughter to be a program coordinator at City Hall. He hired his sister to be the commissioner of the city’s Commission for the United Nations, Consular Corps, and Protocol. He paid them each also $1 a year.

34. In July 2003, after James Davis, a New York councilman, and former NYPD officer, was shot and killed at City Hall, Bloomberg began to push for gun control measures. “I don't know why people carry guns,” he said shortly after the shooting. “Guns kill people.”

35. On his second mayoral campaign, he spent $85 million of his own money. He ran targeted ads in Spanish and Russian and Mandarin and Urdu. He won by nearly 20 points, the biggest victory margin ever for a Republican mayor of New York.

36. In his inaugural address after being sworn into his second term, he cited “ending the threat of guns and the violence they do” as his “most urgent challenge” as mayor. Since then, he has personally donated more than $270 million to organizations supporting the gun control movement.

37. He was halfway through his second term when his constituents learned that he had had two stents put into a coronary artery the year before his first campaign.

38. In 2006, he fired a city employee for playing Solitaire on his office computer.

39. In 2007, toying with the idea of running for president, the Democrat-turned-Republican changed his party affiliation again—this time to independence.

40. In early 2008, he said this about Barack Obama, John McCain, and the other presidential candidates: “But what the hell do they know about management and dealing with people? Nothing. If you look at my company, why, after all the success that we had before I ran for office, would you not think that I couldn’t run a government?” 

41. He lobbied the New York City Council, successfully, to change the rules so he could run for a third term. Critics called it “worthy of ‘democracy’ in a banana republic,” “an attempt to suspend democracy” and “a coup.” Not everybody thought so. New York’s three major newspapers, the Times, the Post and the Daily News, endorsed the bid. And Donald Trump, then known mostly as the star of “The Apprentice,” said a limit of two terms as “a terrible idea” and “an artificial barrier.”

42. On his third mayoral campaign, he spent $108,371,685.01.

43. He was, as mayor, an aggressive advocate of public health, banning smoking in restaurants and bars in the city and trying to get citizens to eat less salt and fat. Critics tagged him “Nanny Bloomberg.” He tried, too, to ban sugary sodas served in containers larger than 16 ounces, but the state’s highest court nixed it.

44. During his time as mayor, police use of “stop-and-frisk” spiked in the city from 97,296 instances in 2002 to 685,724 in 2011. Around the apex of the practice, black and brown people were nine times as likely as white people to be targeted. He defended it, defiantly at times, until last fall, when he apologized.

45. He was worth about $4 billion when he took office. He was worth more like $33 billion when he left.

46. In 2014, his lawyers registered some 400 web addresses when a new city domain became available, an effort to make sure they weren’t scooped up by people up to no good. The addresses included MikeIsTooShort.NYC, MikeBloombergisaDweeb.NYC, Bloombergthespoiler.nyc and FuckBloomberg.nyc.

47. In 2018, he was America’s second-most generous billionaire, behind only Jeff Bezos. He has, says his staff, given away almost $10 billion.

48. He has written that “people need to understand that life, like it or not, has to be quid pro quo.”

49. He owns 12 homes, including properties in New York, London, Bermuda, and Florida.

50. He refuses to attend going-away parties for departing Bloomberg employees. “They've become bad people. Period,” he once said. “We have a loyalty to us. Leave, and you're them.”

51. He doesn’t like movies.
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52. He thinks baseball is boring.

53. An exception to his general aversion to sports: He started golfing shortly before he became mayor. He could shoot in the 120s early on before working to drop his handicap down to a respectable 15 or 13.

54. He has said he loves Sunday nights because he gets to go to work the next day.

55. His father died at 57. His mother died at 102. He has said he plans to live to 125.

Sources: Bloomberg by Bloomberg, by Mike Bloomberg; Mike Bloomberg: Money, Power, Politics, by Joyce Purnick; Bloomberg: A Billionaire’s Ambition, by Chris McNickle; The Many Lives of Michael Bloomberg, by Eleanor Randolph; New York magazine, the New Yorker, the New York Times, the New York Daily News, the New York Post, the Washington Post, and Forbes.

February 20, 2020

Bernie Rising in The Polls/Dems But There is Little Chance Vs.Trump Most Americans Are Not for Socialism






Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders is rising in the polls among Democrats, but questions about his electability against President Trump persist because he self-identifies as a democratic socialist.
Image result for bernie and socialism

new NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist poll backs up the idea that the label could hurt him.
Asked about their impression of socialism, only about a quarter of Americans (28%) said they have a favorable view, while almost 6-in-10 (58%) said they had an unfavorable impression.  
If socialism is so unpopular with Americans, how can Sanders be on the rise in the Democratic primary? Because Democrats and, more specifically, progressives view socialism favorably. Half of Democrats said so, while more than two-thirds of progressives did.
Just 23% of independents, though, and 7% of Republicans viewed socialism favorably.
Views of socialism grow more unfavorably the older the generation, but even 50% of Gen Z and Millennials had an unfavorable view of it, as opposed to just 38%, who had a favorable one.
Suburban voters, who have been trending with Democrats since Trump's election, are overwhelmingly against it by a 27%-to-61% margin.
Capitalism, on the other hand, was viewed overwhelmingly favorably by a 57%-to-29% margin. But a majority of progressives (52%) had an unfavorable view of capitalism, as did a 45%-to-37% plurality of African Americans.
The views of capitalism versus socialism is one reason why Republicans prefer to face Sanders in the general election. They and veteran Democrats point out that Sanders hasn't yet faced the likely barrage of attacks around his economic belief system — Democratic socialism. 
But Sanders, in this poll and others, does beat President Trump in a head-to-head match up, 48% to 45%. That's something his campaign and surrogates are eager to point out.
In June 2019, Sanders reiterated his case for Democratic socialism, as he defines it — a push for a "New Deal" of the 21st century, in line with Western European countries that have policies like universal health care and paid leave.
In a 2015 Democratic presidential debate, Sanders said, "I believe in a society where all people do well, not just a handful of billionaires."
Warren is a top second choice, but mostly of Sanders supporters
Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren has tried to distinguish herself from Sanders by calling herself a capitalist. But she has slid in the polls, as progressives appear to have begun to coalesce around Sanders.
In the latest NPR poll, Warren is fourth with 12%, down 5 points from December, the last time Democratic preferences were tested. 
It turns out Warren leads as Democratic voters' top second-choice candidate — 23% say she's their second choice, followed by Sanders' 14%; Biden, Buttigieg, and Bloomberg each get 13%; Klobuchar is the second choice of 10% of Democratic voters. 
  Unfortunately for Warren, many of those who list her as their second choice is Sanders supporters. And that's the difficult position Warren is in. She most needs the support of progressives, who are largely supporting Sanders, and she has not been able to wrest them away.
She is the second choice of 45% of Sanders supporters. Fourteen percent of Sanders backers would go with former Vice President Joe Biden as a second choice; 13% would go with former New York Mayor Mike Bloomberg, and 11% would pick former Mayor Pete Buttigieg.
Bloomberg and Biden, on the other hand, take equally from each other — 28% of each of their supporters said the other is their second-choice pick. Buttigieg, Sanders, Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar and Warren follow.
Optimism about the country hits eight-year high
The percentage of Americans saying the country is headed in the right direction was just 41%, but that represents the highest level since March of 2012 in Marist's polling.
That's up 6 points from October. Half the country still says the country is headed in the wrong direction, but the 50% who said so is the lowest the poll has recorded since January 2011.
Part of that is likely because of the economy. Unemployment was at just 3.6% for the month of January, the 12th straight month of sub-4% unemployment.
What's more, two-thirds of people say the economy is working well for them.
President Trump is benefiting from that — 51% of all adults and 54% of registered voters approve of the job Trump is doing handling the economy.
That's higher than his overall approval rating of just 42% of all adults and 44% of registered voters. A majority of Americans (51%) still disapprove of the job the president is doing overall.
Beating Trump is most important to Democratic voters
The strength of the economy is likely aiding Trump's reelection chances. Democrats seem to understand that he could be tough to beat, which might be why, by a 55%-42% margin, Democrats say picking a nominee who has the best chance of beating Trump is more important than someone who shares their position on most issues.
Not surprisingly, the overwhelming majorities of Bloomberg and Biden supporters said it was more important to pick someone who could beat Trump, while the opposite was true for Sanders backers.
Of Bloomberg voters, 70% said it was more important to beat Trump, and 63% of Biden backers said the same.
When it comes to Sanders, though, 60% said it was more important for the nominee to share their values.
People 45 and older (66%), whites (65%) and suburban women (64%) were the most likely to say picking someone who could win was most important.
Voters under 45 (59%) and independents (53%) and non-whites (50%) were the most likely to say it was most important to pick someone who shares their positions.
A quarter of Democrats could stay home or back someone else in November
One danger sign for Democrats is that nearly 1 in 5 Democratic voters or independents who lean Democratic say that if their preferred candidate doesn't get the nomination, they'll either stay home, vote for someone else or vote for Trump.
Of that group, 12% of Sanders backers said they would not vote for president if he is not the nominee. 
More than a quarter of voters under 45 (26%) said they would not vote for the Democratic nominee if it's not the candidate they support, including 10% who said they would not vote for president at all, 11% who would vote for someone else and 5% who said they'd vote for Trump.
But the potential decline with young voters has to be a red flag for the Democratic Party. 
Independents were the least likely to vote for whoever the nominee is — just 65% said so — 15% said they'd vote for someone else, 12% said they would not vote for president and another 3% would vote for Trump.
Much of that is likely because it's the heat of the primary battle; these numbers might decline when there is an actual nominee and calls for unity. 
Three-quarters (76%) of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents said they would vote for the Democratic nominee, whoever that ends up being.
Democrats lead by a solid margin on the congressional ballot
For all the disarray in the Democratic primary, voters say they'd back a Democrat in their congressional district by an 8-point margin, if elections were held today.
That 48%-to-40% margin is the highest in the poll for Democrats since late October 2018, right before the midterm elections that saw Democrats swept into control of the House.
Democratic support is buoyed, once again, by suburban women. There is a massive gender gap in the suburbs, with women there saying they'd back a Democrat by a 63%-to-26% margin and men saying they'd back a Republican, 49%-to-40%.
"There might be a lot of fights in those households right now," said Lee Miringoff, director of the Marist Institute for Public Opinion, which conducted the poll. "It's probably best to avoid talking about politics [in those homes] right now."

The live-caller survey of 1,416 adults was conducted from Feb. 13 to Feb. 16 by the Marist Poll at the Marist Institute for Public Opinion. It has a margin of error of +/- 3.3 percentage points. The poll includes 1,164 registered voters with a margin of error of +/- 3.7 percentage points and 527 Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents with a margin of error of +/- 5.4 percentage points.

January 17, 2020

Elizabeth Warren Knocks Bernie Sanders and Her Self Down With Childish Argument



Reuters

                            Image result for elizabeth and bernie argument

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The best-laid plans of Democratic presidential contender Bernie Sanders were upended this week – and his campaign is struggling to get back on track.   Sanders went into the week looking to draw a sharper contrast between his progressive agenda and that of former Vice President Joe Biden, a moderate and his top rival for the Democratic nomination. 
Instead, his flap with a fellow senator, friend and progressive ally Elizabeth Warren over gender and electability has dominated the news, an unwelcome twist for a campaign that pulled into the top of the race in the early voting states of Iowa and New Hampshire just weeks before the first voting begins. 
The U.S. senator from Vermont has found himself on the defensive after Warren accused him of telling her during a 2018 meeting that a woman could not beat Republican President Donald Trump in the November election. Sanders has denied saying that. 
The disagreement between the two liberals grew more inflamed after a CNN microphone caught Warren telling Sanders he made her out to be a liar at Tuesday’s debate in Iowa. 
The back-and-forth has had their supporters at odds on social media, distressing progressives who want to present a unified front against a “corporate Democrat” going into the 2020 nominating contests, which kick off on Feb. 3 in Iowa. 
So far, the dispute does not appear to have hurt Sanders, who saw his support among independents and Democrats rise by 2 points to 20% - ahead of Biden’s 19% - in the past week, according to a Reuters/Ipsos opinion poll conducted on Wednesday and Thursday. 
Warren was at 12 percent in the poll. Her momentum has stalled since November when she detailed how she would finance the Medicare for All government health insurance proposal she and Sanders have championed. 
Progressive groups worry that bad blood could push some supporters of either Sanders or Warren to defect to a more moderate candidate such as Biden or former South Bend, Indiana, Mayor Pete Buttigieg if their candidate falters. 
The Sanders campaign sought on Thursday to turn the conversation away from Warren and back to Biden, with whom Sanders disagrees on matters ranging from foreign policy to trade. 
Sanders’ supporters have shared videos of past speeches where Biden spoke in favor of the invasion of Iraq, which Sanders opposed. 
“The focus for progressives should be on making sure that we have a progressive nominee, and the person standing in the way of having a nominee with the strongest progressive record is Joe Biden,” Sanders speechwriter David Sirota told Reuters. 
Other damage-control efforts were underway. Almost 20 progressive groups said on Thursday they were joining together to mount a unity campaign aimed at calming tensions between Warren and Sanders and ensuring that a liberal becomes the nominee. 
A Democratic strategist aligned with Warren who asked not to be identified suggested her campaign was moving on from the matter and focusing on “driving home her core campaign themes.” 
Warren’s supporters have neither been encouraged nor barred from talking about the 2018 meeting, the strategist said. 
Warren’s campaign did not respond to a request for comment. 
Both Warren and Sanders, along with presidential rival Amy Klobuchar, will have to take time away from the campaign trail ahead of the Iowa nominating contest to serve as jurors in the Senate impeachment trial of Trump. 

‘TO THE WALL’ 

The Sanders-Warren conflict was forcing the most passionate supporters of each candidate “to the wall” – making them take sides against the other, said Charles Chamberlain, chair of Democracy for America, which is leading the effort to defuse tensions. 
“We’re trying to bring them back to the table,” Chamberlain said. 
That may be difficult. Some of Sanders’ online supporters have reacted angrily to the spat, using the hashtags #NeverWarren and #WarrenIsASnake or posted the snake emoji in the feeds of Warren and her supporters. 
“Boy what a bad actor (Warren) turned out to be,” RoseAnn DeMoro, a labor activist who campaigns for Sanders’ universal healthcare plan, tweeted on Wednesday before CNN’s audio release of the post-debate exchange between Warren and Sanders. “She betrayed a friend, undermined the movement, and all for political opportunism.” 
Some voters who spoke to Reuters expressed alarm. 
“Them arguing is just going to hurt one of them in the long run,” Allison Plendl, 32, said at a Buttigieg event in Algona, Iowa. “It’s just giving ammunition to the other side.” 
The Warren camp saw some blowback on Thursday when Michael Pedersen, a New Hampshire state representative who had backed Warren, switched to Klobuchar after Tuesday’s debate, Klobuchar’s campaign said. 
Pedersen said he now viewed Klobuchar as more likely to beat Trump than Warren because he believes the U.S. senator from Minnesota appeals to a wider swath of voters. 
Others saw Warren getting the better of the exchange with Sanders. 
Michael Ceraso, a Democratic operative who worked for Sanders’ campaign in 2016, said Warren was able to make a strong argument for her own electability in November on the debate stage before millions of Americans. 
“It was a breakout moment,” he said.

October 17, 2019

"I Can't Make You Love me" Lindsey Graham Song For Trump


song by Bonnie Raitt


       
"Lindsey Graham would like to stay in the Middle East for the next 1,000 years with thousands of soldiers fighting other people's wars. I wanna get out of the Middle East. I think Lindsey should focus right now on Judiciary, like the Democrats — the do-nothing Democrats as I call them because they're doing nothing, they're getting nothing done. They're not getting USMCA done between Canada, the United States and Mexico. They're getting nothing done." 
— President Trump
The other side: Graham, usually a loyal Trump ally, reprised his condemnation of the president's decision to withdraw troops from northern Syria on Wednesday, expressing disbelief at comments he made earlier about U.S.-allied Kurdish forces not being "angels."
Graham tweeted that if Trump "continues to make such statements this will be a disaster worse than President Obama's decision to leave Iraq."
  • "If the President did say that Turkey's invasion is no concern to us I find that to be an outstanding — an astonishing statement which I completely and totally reject. ... If you're not concerned about Turkey going into Syria why did you sanction Turkey?"
  • He said later: "I will do anything I can to help him, but I will also become President Trump's worst nightmare. I will not sit along the sidelines and watch a good ally, the Kurds, be slaughtered by Turkey... This is a defining moment for President Trump. He needs to up his game."
Worth notingTrump's comments about Graham's desire to keep thousands of troops in the Middle East come days after he authorized sending 3,000 more U.S. troops to Saudi Arabia in order to combat the threat from Iran.
Axios

September 6, 2019

Will Trump Win? Let's Apply Math Without Love Because if You Love a Politician, U Will Make It Loose



As a Store Manager in several stores, in different areas, my mantra came from my first DM. "Love them Adam, but Check Them!" The stores in which I was a superstar I had followed that Mantra. In the ones I could have done so much better, I didn't check because I love them and from that came to trust (bad). This rule applies to politicians as well. {Adam}



Editorial, Adam Gonzalez
Many heads got scratched this week when President Trump doubled down on his erroneous claim that Alabama had been in the path of Hurricane Dorian.
Apparently relying on a map that warned of high winds, or another showing hypothetical path for the storm, the president over the weekend insisted Alabama was "in the crosshairs." At midweek, sitting in the Oval Office, he held up a map on which someone using a marking pen had ballooned the area of actual hurricane threat to include Alabama.
The question had to be asked: Wouldn't it be enough to be worried about Florida, Georgia and the rest of the Southeastern coast without dragging in Alabama — a state outside the current danger zone?
Perhaps. But in seeking to understand the moment it was tempting to observe that Alabama is arguably the cornerstone of the president's base of support in seeking a second term.  
While 17 states have consistently shown the president at 50% job approval or better, according to Gallup, Alabama is one of just three states where Trump's approval has often topped 60% since Inauguration Day. According to the Morning Consult tracking poll, Trump's approval is 18 points positive in West Virginia and 21 in Wyoming. In Alabama, it is 26, and Alabama has more votes in the Electoral College than those two other states combined.
Do such things matter to a president seeking reelection? They just might, especially when that president is struggling to raise his public approval nationwide.
The president is setting his course on issues, from guns and trade to immigration and abortion, and his stances on those make it clear he is playing to his base. All politicians want as many voters as they can get, and all begin their calculations by relying on a core of support. But in American presidential politics, the ultimate question is not just how many voters one has but where they live, because in American presidential politics, the Electoral College rules. While much time and attention is devoted to tracking the president's approval rating nationwide, and his supporters can be found in any part of the country, all that matters in the end is the president's standing state by state. Examining trends in individual states offers a clearer picture of Trump's reelection prospects a little more than a year from now — and a rationale for his strategy. It also highlights the degree to which the country's issue conflicts and partisan rivalries are defined by differences in population density.
Where the urban- and inner-suburban metro areas are politically dominant, Democrats prevail; otherwise, the president and the Republican Party hold sway. And where the city-country balance is closer to even, we have a swing state.
That sets the landscape for 2020 — with President Trump hoping to again win the 30 states he won in 2016 with 306 votes in the Electoral College. That gives him a margin of 36 Electoral College votes, because it takes 270 to win for a majority 538 electors who make up the Electoral College.
So how's he faring in the effort to do it again?
When being "popular" isn't the answer
It's nice to win the popular vote, and the popular vote usually underscores the final decision. Not always, though. See 2000 and 2016. In reality, the national popular vote has no role in the choice of the president.
That choice is determined by the Electoral College, guided by the popular vote in each state. (Note: If no one gets a majority in the Electoral College, the choice is made in the House of Representatives, where, for just this one decision, each state gets one vote.)
With this in mind, defining Trump's base requires both defining his voters and counting the states where they will cast at least a plurality of the 2020 vote.
In 2016, Trump won those 30 states with 306 electoral votes, though there were two "faithless electors" in Texas who voted for Ohio Gov. John Kasich and Kentucky Sen. Rand Paul, leaving Trump, technically, with 304.
Looking ahead to 2020, though, Trump looks to only be able to count on a little more than half of those states to continue backing him, come what may. Trump's approval rating averaged just 40% nationwide in 2018, according to Gallup, and his approval rating was above 50% in 17 states — all of which he had carried in 2016.
The Trump 17 are: Tennessee, Missouri, South Carolina, Alabama, Kentucky, Oklahoma, Utah, Arkansas, Mississippi, Kansas, West Virginia, Idaho, Montana, South Dakota, North Dakota, Alaska and Wyoming.
These numbers are based on the Gallup tracking poll that takes soundings 350 times a year. It is generally corroborated by the readings done by Morning Consult. Although Morning Consult had sub-50 readings for Trump in Utah at several points in the first two years, it was above 50% this summer, as are Texas and Missouri.
In the first weeks of 2019, during the government shutdown, both Gallup and Morning Consult found Trump dipping below 50% by a point or two in some of the larger states in this core. But in each, the rating quickly snapped back above 50% when the shutdown ended and has remained there since.
These 17 states then would have to be regarded as the purest definition of Trump's geographic base, the firmest foundation for his reelection. Beyond that, they easily provide most of the senators who make Republican Mitch McConnell the Senate majority leader. The current Senate has 53 Republican members, 31 of whom hail from those same 17 states.
As a measure of how American politics has changed, consider that there were 15 Democrats from these states when Bill Clinton became president. One Democrat from that era, Richard Shelby of Alabama, is still around, but he switched to the GOP in 1994 right after that party became the Senate majority. He symbolizes how populists from largely rural states in the South and West have migrated from one party to the other and become the hard base for Trump.
It has long been noted that Trump, a former Manhattan socialite and billionaire, makes an odd champion for these voters and these regions of the country. But his willingness to take up their causes has largely won them over. And in 2016, his emergence from a field of 17 candidates to win the Republican Party nomination installed him atop a party that now commands the loyalty of rural America as never before.
The more rural, the more pro-Trump
Within the states, and across the national map, party loyalties can be perceived as a function of population density.
"All the social changes that have pulled cities and rural areas apart since the 1930s have come to be expressed in the party system," writes Jonathan Rodden, a political scientist at Stanford University. "American geographic polarization has emerged in large part because our political institutions have created a strict two-party system that has gradually come to reflect a set of social cleavages that are highly correlated with population density."
And Will Wilkinson, vice president for research at the Niskanen Center, a Washington think tank, has added: "The filtering/sorting dynamic of urbanization has produced a lower-density, mainly white [rural] population that is increasingly uniform in socially conservative personality, aversion to diversity, relative disinclination to migrate and seek higher education, and Republican Party loyalty." 
Trump's most loyal 17 states have in common a relatively low population. The two largest, Tennessee and Missouri, rank just 16th and 18th among all states in the Census Bureau estimates for 2018. Each has two major cities that vote Democratic, but the urban characteristics of Nashville and Memphis, and St. Louis and Kansas City, are not enough to counterbalance the exurban and rural characteristics of those states overall.
More typical of the group in the population in Kansas. With a little under 3 million residents last year, and ranking 35th nationally, Kansas is still more populous than half the rest of the 17 states. Next in size is West Virginia with 1.8 million. Five states among the 17 qualify for only a single seat in the U.S. House: Montana, South Dakota, North Dakota, Alaska, and Wyoming.
A glance at these 17 pro-Trump states on a map makes them appear to dominate the landscape, and indeed they do in a strictly geographic sense. They comprise some of the largest expanses of sparsely inhabited land America has to offer. That impression only strengthens when you add Texas, a megastate where Trump has not always been above 50% approval in the Gallup but has never been far from it. While the state is becoming more competitive, few doubt it will be in the president's column again in 2020.
Tacking on Texas also greatly expands the footprint of Trump's hardcore states in the Electoral College. Without Texas, their collective contribution is only 102 electoral votes. With Texas, they reach 140, just over half of what Trump will need to secure a second term.
On the contrary
The other side of the coin in the Gallup approval map is the group of 16 (plus the District of Columbia) states where Trump's approval was below 40% in his first two years in office. Here again, the Morning Consult tracking data generally corroborate these findings and extend them into 2019.
Not surprisingly, these 16 have a lot more people than the core Trump 17, as the below-40 states include three of the nation's most populous five (California, New York, and Illinois) and nine of the top 22. That translates to 201 electoral votes or nearly three-fourths of what a Democrat might need to win.
It is tempting to say this is the built-in base of Trump's opponent, whoever that may be.
But that still leaves a whopping 235 electoral votes in the 17 states that are not distinctly pro-Trump or con, the states where he has been at 40% to 49% approval (again, relying primarily on the Gallup tracking).
In 2016, Trump was able to pick off just enough states in the Great Lakes region — starting with pivotal Ohio — to win despite losing the popular vote by 2.9 million votes. He could win again, even losing by millions in the popular vote, if he can reassemble the same bloc of states — or close to it.
There seems little point in campaigning at all in the deeper blue states such as California, New York and Illinois. While millions of voters live there, the president has little or no chance of translating their votes into the electoral votes he needs to supplement his base in the rest of the country.
The president will campaign in the states where he has been polling in the 40s, including previously reliable blue states he shocked the world by winning in 2016 (Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin). He won those three by fractions of a percentage point each (just under 78,000 votes aggregate total).
All three states elected Democratic governors in 2018. But the president maintains a loyal Republican base in each and will again appeal to non-Republicans who found him the better choice in 2016. He hopes they hold and lift him again next year.
Short Center Editorial by the Publisher, Adam Gonzalez:


 One of the problems with our voting system is One the Electoral vote and Second, the voters falling in love with politicians like if they were movie stars. These politicians are as honest as the best or worse actor in reading their lines and presenting something very far from what they are. However, our system is political and we have to vote for politicians but does not say you have to love them? I think it started with FDR and it got cemented with the short life of President John Kennedy. But because 17 states fell for Trump, a good for nothing New Yorker who never worked a day in his life but he hit the right tone with the people in 17 states that thought he was better than Hillary who only the ones closest to her loved her ( all 12 of them) and that was not many. Now we have people infatuated with the man least likely to run and win against a sleeky snake-like Trump. That is Biden of coarse. He never got the message that the time with Obama was going to be the end of the White House career and he had a lot of accomplishments and many loving fans. But loving Biden means you' re not thinking straight. Why is that? Simple! Most of us ignore the shortcoming of the people we love.
 On the other hand that is not the way, Trump is going to be feeling and treating him as such, which means Trump again might win. Even with a good candidate that knows how to take it but better yet to dish it out without looking hateful this person will have a tough time not because they won't be millions of voters ahead like Hillary(over 3million over Trump yet she lost) but is the College Electoral system in which states with 3 thousand people have more say than NYC, California or Washington state with its millions of residents and the drivers of the economy of this country. 
My point is simple: Please don't fall in love for Biden, He will loose and don't fall in love with any of the other. You need to get to know the strong political points of Trump, which is simple to see and not many and try to find someone to kick those on this bold head (sorry for the bold head comment guys, I like them very much). 
                                                                    
                                  Image result for I like you but don't love you

 Needless to say, the president will emphasize that strategic handful of "purple states" that have swung back and forth in recent presidential cycles. Most important are the ones he captured last time: Florida, Ohio, North Carolina, Arizona and Iowa. But he will also be looking to compete in swing states he lost to Hillary Clinton: Virginia, Colorado, Nevada and New Hampshire.
With all this predictable effort, however, Trump will not neglect the 17 base states that have stood by him most loyally so far. And he should find it natural enough to enlarge this group with the states that have at least kept him near 50% approval through his first 32 months in office.
These include the megastates of Texas and Georgia (No. 2 and No. 8), plus Louisiana and Indiana. He has held rallies in these states and stressed their issues and concerns from Inauguration Day forward. And he knows that without all these states on board, all other strategies and outreach will not be enough to ensure a second inauguration.

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