Showing posts with label ICE Injustice. Show all posts
Showing posts with label ICE Injustice. Show all posts

September 19, 2019

Trump Sent Him Back to Mex But Kidnaped Within 5 Hours latter{This Sort is The Norm)


Deportees


                      

"David's story is not unique" but a lot of people don't know it. I know through adamfoxie there will a few hundred in the US that will find out within the next 12 hrs and the same for our international audience. Thanks to Emily Green and Vice.  It took me an hour or so to work on this story with this just becoming pea soup once I was about to save it. but is done and apologize if one or two (at the most) items are not line up perfectly. The story is there and is important to know what we are doing as Americans. I believe in a strong health border but not like this. You don't need to walk with the devil to open

open door s for you.What happened to your god?

As people in other nations, you have to be aware that this United States you heard off is not the same as 5 years ago. Hopefully, some of us will try to show to the people that think they know the way because they know God but are lost and need encouragement to be good and go in the right path. I always say when I encounter one of these guys, read your bible, listen to your Christ.
doors for you when you have the keys but are too dumb cozy to check which ones will fit.

NUEVO LAREDO, Mexico — David wept as U.S. immigration agents marched him and his child across the bridge into Mexico. “They say here in this country, where we are, they kidnap a lot of people," he said.
They didn't even last the night. Hours later and just three miles away, cartel members surrounded David and a dozen other migrants at a bus station. They were forced into trucks, and abducted.
David is among the estimated 42,000 asylum seekers who’ve been returned to Mexico in recent months under President Trump’s new asylum policies. The Trump administration calls the policy “Migrant Protection Protocols,” but far from offering protection, the policy has led to a brutal wave of kidnappings in some of Mexico’s most dangerous border cities.  
“They are sending them to a place that is too dangerous,” Laura, David’s sister, told VICE News. “Why are they doing this? Why, if Mexico is a place that is so dangerous?” 
Powerful criminal organizations have seized on Trump’s changes, targeting asylum seekers with family in the U.S. by holding them hostage until their relatives come up with thousands of dollars to pay for their release. 
VICE News spoke with multiple asylum seekers who have been kidnapped or narrowly escaped being kidnapped upon being returned to Mexico. All of them said they suspected Mexican immigration officials were working in coordination with the cartels. Often, they were grabbed at the bus station or along the three-mile stretch from the Mexican immigration office to their shelter. The stretch between the border and the shelters may be a few miles, but it is among the most dangerous part of a migrant’s journey. 
“[The U.S. agents] told us they were going to bring us to a shelter,” David told VICE News, a few hours before he and his child were kidnapped. “They lied.” VICE News has changed names and withheld certain details of David’s story to protect the identity of him and his family. 

The Phone Call

Trump's asylum policies
CLOTHES AND SHOES ARE SET OUT TO DRY INSIDE A PHONE BOOTH AT A MIGRANT SHELTER IN IN NUEVO LAREDO, MEXICO. SERGIO FLORES/VICE NEWS

 
Nuevo Laredo is one of the most dangerous cities in one of the most dangerous regions of Mexico. It’s marked not only by the near constant crime that fuels the city but also by the impunity with which criminals here operate. The corruption and crime is so prevalent that local news barely covered the recent kidnapping in broad daylight of a minister who ran a shelter for migrants, deeming it too dangerous to report on. 
“Why are they doing this? Why, if Mexico is a place that is s o dangerous?”
At the Mexican immigration offices, David was frazzled and desperate to reach Laura, who lives in the U.S., and was prepared to wire him money so he could get a bus ticket to a safer city nearby. He borrowed the cellphone of a man he said identified himself as an immigration agent and wore the agency’s typical white-shirt uniform. Outside the office, men in a white four-door truck kept an eye on who came and left the building’s parking lot. 
The man who lent David his phone spoke with Laura, also identifying himself to her as an immigration agent. He told her he would help David and instructed her to send the money directly to his account. David didn’t have a Mexican ID or passport to receive a wire transfer on his own, but the man assured them their money was in safe hands. 
But after Laura sent the money, the man stopped picking up. At 8 p.m. that night, Laura received a call from a different number. “A man got on the line and said my brother had been turned over to him.”  David believes the immigration agents never intended to help them. 
Trump
 
   
A GROUP OF MIGRANTS CROSS BACK INTO MEXICO AFTER BEING SENT BACK UNDER
 THE MIGRANT PROTECTION PROTOCOLS. SERGIO FLORES/VICE NEWS 
He said when he and another dozen or so asylum seekers who had been returned that day to Mexico arrived at the bus station in Nuevo Laredo, a group of 20 men were already waiting for them. Immediately, the men forced David, his child, and the other migrants into trucks, as an immigration official looked their way but did nothing. 

Mexico’s Institute of Migration, which is in charge of carrying out Mexico’s immigration policies, said that it is “committed to combating any behavior that violates the rights and integrity of migrants,” and that it has not received any recent complaints regarding Mexican immigration officials turning migrants over to cartels or turning a blind eye to their kidnapping. 
Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrard downplayed the issue on Thursday, saying he didn’t see the kidnapping of migrants “as a massive phenomenon.” But minutes later, Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador said the government was attentive to the issue. “The more migrants that arrive at the [border], the more criminal groups there are, and the higher the risks.”

Ebrard’s office later contacted VICE News to say it was looking into the problem. 
David said the kidnappers took his few belongings, including the paperwork U.S. Customs and Border Protection had given him. Without it, he and his child can’t enter the U.S. to attend their hearing in December.  The kidnappers took a dozen pictures of each of the migrants who were being held, and they took notes on everyone — their full names, where they were from, their family members. The cartel was also holding at least 20 other men, plus dozens of children and women, who “were treated like pieces of meat,” David said.
They separated the women from the men, and beat any of the men who turned to look. David said one man tried to escape and they shot him dead. 
Back in the U.S., Laura was desperately trying to negotiate the release of her brother and his child. But she works in a factory earning $10.50 an hour. She didn’t have a dollar to spare, much less the thousands the kidnappers were demanding. 
“It’s absolutely pointless to go to the police” 
Over the course of several days, Laura received up to three calls a day from them, recordings of which VICE News has reviewed. She was passed between an underling and his boss, as they alternately comforted and threatened her while demanding money. 
“I need you to send me the money as fast as possible, Grandma,” one of the men told her. 

When she told them there was no way she could pay the extortion fee, they said she didn’t need all the money at once and could start depositing it in pieces. “You’ll get all the money, mother, don’t worry.” 
Trump's asylum policies
MIGRANTS PLAY TABLE TENNIS AT A SHELTER IN NUEVO LAREDO, MEXICO. SERGIO FLORES/VICE NEWS

Kidnapping and extortion stories like these have become the norm in Nuevo Laredo since the U.S. started returning migrants there in mid-July. 
There is no way to know exactly how many migrants have been kidnapped because most victims and family members are too terrified to file a report to the police, who are also believed to have ties with the cartels. It’s estimated that hundreds, if not thousands, of migrants have been kidnapped, raped, and targeted for extortion after being returned to Mexico under Migrant Protection Protocols. 
“It’s pretty clear that the Department of Homeland Security is essentially delivering asylum seekers and migrants into the hands of kidnappers, and people who are attacking the refugees and migrants when they return,” said Eleanor Acer, senior director for refugee protection at Human Rights First. She added that in these regions of Mexico, “it’s absolutely pointless to go to the police.” 
The U.S. Department of Homeland Security didn’t respond to queries about whether it was aware of the widespread kidnapping of migrants returned under Migrant Protection Protocols. Acting U.S. Customs and Border Protection Commissioner Mark Morgan said earlier this month that he has heard “anecdotal allegations” of migrants being kidnapped, but that “Mexico has provided nothing to the United States corroborating or verifying those allegations.”

The Business of Kidnapping

Trump's asylum policies
The business of kidnapping migrants is so entrenched in Nuevo Laredo that it’s referred to as “passing through the office,” according to victims and one person with knowledge of the process. 
One woman, whom VICE News is calling Ana to protect her identity, was kidnapped with her husband and two children the day after the U.S. sent them back. She said they were at the bus terminal buying a ticket for a nearby city when a group of men surrounded them and said the family needed to go with the men.
The first night they stayed at an abandoned house. Then they were taken to a hotel, where they spent the next six nights. Ana, her husband and children slept in one bed. Many others were forced to sleep on the floor, she said. Every day captives were taken out and more were brought in. The hotel door was guarded by a single man. Meals were provided daily. Unlike David, Ana said the kidnappers never showed force. But they didn’t need to. She said the man guarding the door made clear the consequences if they tried to escape. “I promise you won’t make it two blocks before we will catch you again and the situation will be much worse for you,” he told them. 
The kidnappers searched Ana, looking for slips of paper with U.S. telephone numbers. They didn’t find any and demanded she give them numbers of family members. She gave them Honduran phone numbers. “We don’t want those. We want numbers from the U.S.,” they chastised. 
Ana gave her the number of a brother in the U.S. In a separate room, hidden from her, the kidnappers negotiated over the phone. Over the next week, the brother scraped together more than $15,000 for their release and wired the money. 
Trump's asylum policies
A WOMAN WASHES DISHES AT A MIGRANT SHELTER IN NUEVO LAREDO, MEXICO. SERGIO FLORES/VICE NEWS

Ana said when they were released, they were given a keyword as a form of security: If they were kidnapped again, the keyword would indicate what cartel they pertained to and that they had already paid the ransom fee. 
The cartels keep records of the people they kidnap, according to the person with knowledge of their operations. That includes how many people they have kidnapped, where they are from, who could pay, who couldn’t pay, where they crossed into the U.S., and how many opportunities the coyotes gave them to cross. 
Throughout Mexico, migrants who travel with smugglers are given keywords that indicate what smugglers they have traveled with — and by extension, what cartels have been paid off. If the migrants don’t have a keyword, or the keyword corresponds to the wrong region, they are vulnerable.  
“Here, organized crime is actually organized,” said the person with knowledge of the cartel’s operations. “It’s a company that functions like a clock. Exactly like it should.”

The Threat 

In the U.S., Laura was getting desperate. The kidnappers had promised to call back at 3 p.m. but hadn’t. 
She managed to pull together a few thousand dollars from family members to pay the kidnappers. When they called the following afternoon, the man on the other end of the line berated her for not having more. 
Still, he told Laura that she should deposit what she had into Mexican bank accounts, and that he would talk to the boss. VICE News has reviewed records of the money deposits.
“I can’t sleep thinking about it. Every night, I dream about everything that has happened to us” 
After Laura deposited the money, members of the cartel drove David and his child back to the bus station. They told him the cartel would be watching him from there, that they had people everywhere. Dozens of migrants remained behind, including at least 10 children, he said. 
“They told me they would kill me if I talked,” he said. 
He has no idea how he will pursue his asylum claim in the U.S. since the cartel took away his paperwork that allows him to enter the U.S. for a hearing before a judge. But even then, the idea of staying in Mexico until December is untenable. 
David can’t stop crying, and his young child has stopped talking altogether.  
“One of the kidnappers told me that the kidneys of my [child] were good for removal,” David said, sobbing so hard he could barely get the words out. “I can’t sleep thinking about it. Every night, I dream about everything that has happened to us.” 
Cover: Migrants who were returned to Mexico under Migrant Protection Protocols prepare to be taken to a processing center in Nuevo Laredo, Mexico. Sergio Flores/Vice News
Design and illustrations by Hunter French.

August 12, 2019

Jimmy 49, A Legal Alien from Iraq (He's Never Seen) Deported by Ice Lasted 2 Months


This story has been bothering me so much I need to share it, otherwise it will stay bouncing inside of me.......



Jimmy Aldaoud was deported from the U.S. in June to Iraq, a country that his family said he had never set foot in. Two months after he arrived there, his family got word that he was found dead in Baghdad. 
Aldaoud was born in Greece, his sister Mary Bolis said, after his family fled Iraq. He didn't speak Arabic. 
He was 41 when he died, and he arrived legally in the U.S. in May 1979 when he was a year old, his lawyer, Chris Schaedig, said. He lived near Detroit until he was put on a plane to Najaf by U.S. federal officials. 
"I begged them. I said, 'Please, I've never seen that country. I've never been there.' However, they forced me," Aldaoud said in a video recorded shortly after his arrival in Iraq, which was posted on Facebook by a family friend.  Aldaoud is shown looking dejected and exhausted. He said he was trying to find food. "I've got nothing over here, as you can see," he said.
"I was sleeping in the street," he said, adding that he was kicked in the back by a man who said Aldaoud was on his property. "I'm diabetic. I take insulin shots. I've been throwing up, throwing up." Bolis also said her brother had been diagnosed with bipolar disorder and schizophrenia. 
"As far as I know, he did not know a soul over there," said Schaedig. Aldaoud is from the minority Chaldean Christian community, which has been severely persecuted in Iraq. 
Schaedig said he wasn't at all surprised that Aldaoud died in Iraq. "I firmly believe — from the second I took the case — that he was in mortal danger if he was deported," he said. 
Bolis told NPR that she spoke to Aldaoud every day and that he recently told her that he wasn't feeling well. 
"I started getting worried," she said, and begged him to go to the hospital. He eventually did and sent her a picture after he was admitted. "What I'm understanding is he got a shot and some medicine from the hospital and was released." 
Early on Monday morning, she said, "we got the call that he passed away." It's not clear what his cause of death was.
"It's crazy to know that he died alone in a country he'd never been in," Bolis said. 
She remembers him as a man with a huge heart. He had been homeless, she said, but even in those difficult circumstances he would call to say he wanted to take her kids to get ice cream. "Jimmy was seriously the most nicest guy," said Bolis. 
And he was deeply troubled in Iraq. His sister remembers him saying, "I don't understand the language. I don't understand the money. I don't understand the street. I can't explain to you how different it is here." He wanted to be put back in jail in the U.S. instead, she said. 
A friend of his who had contact with him in Baghdad told NPR he thinks Aldaoud had been planning to kill himself, though his sister said she doesn't believe he would. Naser al-Shimary said he urged his friend to stay strong. 
"He told me — he's like, 'I can't stay here. I'm not going to be able to stay here.' I told him, 'Jimmy, I know what you're thinking.' I told him, 'You gotta hold on,' " said Shimary, who was also deported from the U.S. and met Aldaoud when they were both in detention there. "He's like, 'They took me away from my home, my family.' I told him, 'Jimmy, there is more to your life than that.' " 
Shimary said he and Aldaoud used to play chess together in detention. Shimary, speaking by phone from the south of Iraq, said Aldaoud had been living with a friend but didn't have money for rent or food.
"That kid didn't have to die. He didn't do nothing. Jimmy was a good man. Not like that — he didn't have to go out like that," Shimary said. 
Wesam Yako, a U.S. Army veteran who was also deported, said he saw Aldaoud last week in Baghdad. "I saw him. He was sick. He was sitting at home all day for 10 days," Yako said. "He don't want to go nowhere."
"I was like, 'How you going to make a living if you're just in an apartment all day?' But I feel like he had nothing. He had no job, nothing. He didn't want to go out," said Yako, who has been in Iraq for two years because he agreed to deportation over two felonies from the early 1990s. 
He said Aldaoud was put up in a refugee caravan belonging to a church at the beginning, and then his family sent him money for rent and medicine for three months. 
Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials in Detroit said that Aldaoud entered the U.S. legally in 1979, "before violating the terms of his status due to several criminal convictions."
Michigan police records show that Aldaoud pleaded guilty to criminal charges at least 15 times over the course of nearly 20 years prior to his deportation. Those include assault, breaking and entering, resisting arrest, disorderly conduct and home invasion. 
"If you look at the list of criminal convictions, yeah — it looks pretty bad," said Schaedig. "But if you go a little bit under the surface — if there's anyone willing to do that — it was someone who just needed help and who is committing the pettiest of petty crimes." Most of the crimes could be linked to homelessness and serious mental health issues, he said. 
"Several of those, larceny or robbery charges, were when he would open an unlocked car and take change out of the cup holders," he said. 
There were several "crimes of violence" as well, and Schaedig noted that "every single one of those was against his father or some sort of tussle with a member of his family at the time when his mental illness was really developing." He stressed that Aldaoud was "not at all a danger to the community at large," and his relationship was fraught with his father, who eventually kicked him out of the house. 
Bolis said that their father would call the police on her brother and accuse him of crimes he didn't commit. "He could not have hurt a fly," she said. 
In 2017, ICE officials arrested many Iraqis in sweeps — according to Schaedig, they detained at least 114 members of the Chaldean community in metropolitan Detroit, including Aldaoud, by September of that year. 
It was then that Schaedig answered a call from the American Civil Liberties Union looking for attorneys to take these cases pro bono. Over the next few months, he saw his client's mental health rapidly deteriorate.
"Jimmy's mental issues and the fact that he was detained made it harder and harder for him to deal with the process," said Schaedig. "He got out a couple times, got back in, was redetained." ICE said that he was arrested in April 2019 "for larceny from a motor vehicle."
At the final stage of the removal process, when the "strain on him was incredible," Schaedig said Aldaoud decided he didn't want to go through with his hearing. 
"That's when I ceased representation of him," he said. "So from that point on, he was unrepresented. ... I have no personal knowledge of what went on after that, other than that he was eventually deported."
On June 2, he was put on a plane bound for Iraq. ICE authorities say they supplied him with a "full complement of medicine to ensure continuity of care," though they have not clarified what that means.
His sister said the family didn't know that he was being deported until after he was out of the country. 
The ACLU has spoken out about his death and has warned that others may face the same fate if deported.
"We knew he would not survive if deported," Miriam Aukerman, a senior staff attorney for the ACLU of Michigan, said in a statement. "What we don't know is how many more people ICE will send to their deaths." 

July 25, 2019

American Citizen Released by Ice After 26 Days of Detention Because He Looked Latin and Went For Tacos







CreditCreditKin Man Hui/The San Antonio Express-News, via Associated Press


By 
SAN ANTONIO — 
Francisco Erwin Galicia, 18, was born in Dallas and, according to his birth certificate, is an American citizen. But he was held in federal immigration custody for nearly four weeks after he was detained at a Border Patrol traffic checkpoint in South Texas.

Mr. Galicia showed the agents the proof of his birth in the United States when he was stopped at the checkpoint one night in June when he was on his way to a college soccer tryout. But the agents, his lawyer said, told him they believed it was fake.

They took him into custody, taking him first to a Border Patrol facility in the border city of McAllen and then to an Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention center in Pearsall, Tex., southwest of San Antonio.

Late Tuesday afternoon, 26 days after he was first detained, Mr. Galicia was released after the news media, Democratic lawmakers and migrant advocacy groups put his case in the national spotlight.

“He’s really happy to be out,” Mr. Galicia’s lawyer, Claudia Ivett Galan, said in a telephone interview from a restaurant near the detention center where she and her client had gone for tacos.

Mr. Galicia declined to comment. “He’s feeling a little bit overwhelmed,” Ms. Galan said.

Mr. Galicia’s case, first reported by The Dallas Morning News, appears to be part of stepped-up enforcement efforts at Border Patrol traffic checkpoints as the Trump administration cracks down on illegal entry at the southern border. In cases such as these, the administration’s zero-tolerance approach sometimes collides with the messy, unorthodox lives of mixed-status families, whose paperwork is often legitimate but incomplete or faulty.

Officials with the Border Patrol’s parent agency, Customs and Border Protection, and with Immigration and Customs Enforcement said on Tuesday that they had no immediate comment but were looking into the case.

Mr. Galicia was traveling north on the evening of June 27 with his younger brother and a group of friends. They were headed to a soccer tryout at a college in Texas. Mr. Galicia will be a senior in the fall at Johnny Economedes High School in his hometown, Edinburg, a border city in the Rio Grande Valley. He was hoping that his soccer skills would capture the attention of the coaches and scouts, and earn him a scholarship.

To drive north from Edinburg, the group knew they had to pass a Border Patrol checkpoint about 60 miles north of the border near the town of Falfurrias, Tex. The checkpoints form a secondary layer of border security, far from the actual fence line: All cars must stop, and agents typically ask the occupants of each vehicle if they are United States citizens. The more than 30 permanent checkpoints across Arizona, California, Texas and New Mexico have instilled a quiet, widespread fear among many Hispanic citizens and legal residents in border cities that they will be mistaken for someone who is without papers.

Mr. Galicia had traveled through the Falfurrias checkpoint in the past and was not expecting any trouble, Ms. Galan said. Nevertheless, as many Hispanics do, he had brought with him numerous documents, including a birth certificate that showed he was born at a hospital in Dallas on Dec. 24, 2000; his state ID, issued in January by the Texas Department of Public Safety; and his Social Security card. Ms. Galan supplied The New York Times with copies of these documents; the birth certificate features stamps from both the State of Texas and the City of Dallas Bureau of Vital Statistics.

Mr. Galicia does not have a driver’s license, Ms. Galan said.

“Border Patrol agents were telling Francisco that his birth certificate was fake, that he was Mexican,” she said.

One of the issues that may have aroused the agents’ suspicions was the presence of Mr. Galicia’s younger brother, Marlon Galicia, 17, who was born in Mexico and has been living in the United States illegally. He had only a school ID, Ms. Galan said. The driver of the vehicle, one of Mr. Galicia’s classmates, is also a United States citizen, Ms. Galan said.

Another issue that could have confused the agents and has complicated his case involved one of Mr. Galicia’s documents. He brought with him a tourist visa issued by Mexico that stated that he had been born in that country, his lawyer said.

Mr. Galicia’s mother, Sanjuana Galicia Chapa, is an undocumented Mexican immigrant who lives in Edinburg. When Mr. Galicia was born, she did not put her real name on his birth certificate because of her immigration status, and she never corrected it. Because of that, she never went through the process of getting her son a United States passport. She believed the best way for him to travel back and forth from Texas to Mexico was to get him the Mexican tourist visa, Ms. Galan said.

“She never fixed that name on his birth certificate, so she never got him a passport and thought it was just easier to get him a tourist visa to get him in and out of the country,” Ms. Galan said.

Marlon Galicia was also briefly detained but later signed documents agreeing to effectively self-deport, and is now living with relatives in Reynosa, Mexico, across the border from McAllen. 

Mr. Galicia’s mother tried on her own to get her son released. After about two weeks with no success, she turned to Ms. Galan for help. Ms. Galicia said in an interview that after her son was detained, the authorities prevented him from communicating with any relatives for weeks. She spoke to him for the first time since his detention only on Saturday.

“Almost a month of not knowing anything about my son,” she said, adding: “I also feel mad because he did not commit any crime. He spends all his time studying and playing sports.”

At about 4 p.m. on Tuesday, Mr. Galicia was waiting in the lobby at the ICE detention center when Ms. Galan arrived for a meeting to discuss her client’s case with officials. She said none of the ICE officials gave her any explanation about his detainment after he was released.

“I did talk to his officer, and he did not apologize,” Ms. Galan said. “All he said was just, ‘Thank you for your patience.’”
Nubia Reyna contributed reporting from Brownsville, Tex.

A version of this article appears in print on July 24, 2019, Section A, Page 19 of the New York edition with the headline: U.S. Citizen, Detained Since June, Is Released. NewYork Times

July 24, 2019

More Than 2000 Immigrants Were Targeted by Ice Raids-35 Arrested



 This is how low we have gone by giving ICE this authority





More than 2,000 migrants who were in the United States illegally were targeted in widely publicized raids that unfolded across the country last week. But figures the government provided to The New York Times on Monday show that just 35 people were detained in the operation.

President Trump had touted the raids — called Operation Border Resolve — as a show of force amid an influx of Central American parents and children across the southern border. After postponing the raids in June, Mr. Trump said ahead of time that they would take place last week.

Two current Department of Homeland Security officials and one former department official also confirmed to The Times that an enforcement operation would take place around mid-July.

But the publicity may have prompted many of those who had been targeted — 2,105 people in more than a dozen cities who had received final deportation orders but had not reported to Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers — to temporarily leave their homes or to move altogether to evade arrest.

Advance notice of the large-scale operation also gave immigrant advocates time to counsel families about their rights, which include not opening the door or answering questions. On social media, community groups shared detailed information about sightings of ICE agents.

In an interview, Monday, Matthew Albence, the acting director of ICE, which is responsible for arresting, detaining and deporting unauthorized immigrants who are already in the United States, acknowledged that the number of apprehensions was low.

“I don’t know of any other population where people are telling them how to avoid arrest as a result of illegal activity,” he said. “It certainly makes it harder for us to effectuate these orders issued.”

“You didn’t hear ICE talking about it before the operation was taking place,” he added.

The arrests of the nearly three dozen migrants — 17 of whom were members of families that crossed the border together and 18 of whom were so-called collateral apprehensions of undocumented people — were among more than 900 that the immigration authorities have made since mid-May, Mr. Albence said.

From May 13 through July 11, ICE arrested 899 adults who had final deportation orders, in an undertaking called Operation Cross Check. The majority had criminal convictions, Mr. Albence said.
 on the process.

A backlog of nearly one million immigration cases means that it can take years for a case to wind its way through the courts. Those who were targeted in last week’s raids had been placed on an accelerated docket, with a goal of resolving their cases within a year. The majority had been ordered removed from the country by an immigration judge.

“What we found is that the vast majority did not even show up for their first hearing,” Mr. Albence said. “Above and beyond, we sent them letters giving them the opportunity to turn themselves in and arrange for an orderly removal process,” including the time to organize their affairs and schedule flights on commercial carriers.

As part of a multipronged approach to rein in illegal immigration, Mr. Albence said that the government had also been cracking down on companies suspected of hiring undocumented immigrants. He said 3,282 businesses across the country were told last week to submit payroll documents for review.

“Part of our goal is to reduce economic opportunities,” Mr. Albence said. “We cannot have individuals who come into the country illegally and then go find work illegally.”

The audits of companies and payroll forms often called “silent raids,” hit restaurants, food processing, high-tech manufacturing, agriculture and other industries that employ thousands of workers, according to lawyers representing some of the companies. Employers typically lose a substantial number of workers as a result of the audits, which can also lead to fines and criminal charges against the businesses.

The Trump administration has significantly increased company inspections, often called I-9 audits for the form that workers are required to fill out affirming that they are authorized to work in the United States. There were 5,981 such audits in fiscal 2018 compared to 1,360 the previous year.

“The Trump administration has been more aggressive than any administration with I-9 investigations,” said Kimberley Robidoux, a business immigration lawyer in San Diego who specializes in compliance and who has several clients who are affected. 

Still, as it grapples with a record number of migrant families at the southern border, the Trump administration has so far deported fewer people, on average each year, than the Obama administration.

In the fiscal year 2018, the Trump administration deported 256,086 immigrants, an increase of 13 percent over the previous year. In contrast, President Barack Obama removed 409,849 people in 2012, an all-time high, and 235,413 in the fiscal year 2015.

In the first two quarters of the 2019 fiscal year, the Trump administration deported 130,432 people, up from 123,253 during the same period the previous year.

Mr. Obama directed immigration authorities to target for arrest and removal convicted criminals, migrants who had crossed the border recently and those who had illegally entered the country multiple times. Mr. Trump has said that anyone agents encounter who is living in the country illegally is fair game for detention and removal.

Indeed, on Monday the Trump administration said that it would accelerate the deportation of undocumented immigrants who cannot prove they have been in the United States for more than two years, enabling federal agents to arrest and deport people without a hearing before a judge.

The expansion of a so-called expedited removals program, which is expected to be challenged in court, could result in people being deported without a court hearing and could affect their ability to seek asylum in the United States.

Just last week, the administration announced it would deny protections to immigrants who failed to apply for asylum in at least one country they passed through on their way north, in its latest attempt to deter Central Americans from heading to the United States. That policy was challenged in court by a coalition of immigrant advocates one day after it was announced. 

The Border Patrol has arrested 363,300 migrant family members from Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala at the southern border so far in the fiscal year 2019. Many of them are seeking asylum, having fled violence in their home countries.

Because children cannot be detained for more than 20 days under established standards, the Border Patrol has been releasing families, who usually turn themselves into authorities after crossing the border, to await their immigration court dates.

“This highlights the challenges when we are unable to detain individuals at the border and are forced to release them into the country,” Mr. Albence said.

Last week, Mr. Trump deemed the operation targeting families that began around July 14 as “very successful.”

The government’s plans changed at the last minute because of news reports that had tipped off immigrants about what to expect, according to several current and former Department of Homeland Security officials. Instead of a large sweep, the authorities opted for a limited and more diffuse scale of apprehensions.

The families who were rounded up have been placed in family detention centers, where it is difficult for them to gain access to legal help. But immigration lawyers said that they could still take steps to halt their immediate deportation, for example by filing an appeal or a motion to reopen their cases. Some of the families, they said, might not have been aware they missed a court hearing if they did not receive a notice of if they had moved.

A version of this article appears in print on July 23, 2019, Section A, Page 12 of the New York edition with the headline: Figures Show Many Were Able to Avoid Recent ICE Raids

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