Showing posts with label GOP Failure. Show all posts
Showing posts with label GOP Failure. Show all posts

May 13, 2020

GOP Oppose Mail In Voting and Helping The Americans Survive The Virus Because They are Scared




Do you know these guys? There are still in the senate with with bautiful houses and good investments. 
But they are fighting, opposing financial help for americans that were made to leave their jobs. Why would they care, they got their jobs? Maybe their constituency will decide to make them jobless too next November.




GOP says they want americans to show up to vote and if they die they die. Vote by mail which has been done for many years for people that are sick, not in the country, Vets and seniors. In this emergency that is the mail is bad. We send the most secure papers from court papers to notices from the bank. Why all of a sudden they are scare? People that are scare cannnot make rational decissions. I always liked mail in voting but decided many times to instead go and vote if the poll place was not too far but only to find and be social with people I knew. Being social is not the besst thing for an invisible enemy.  There is nothing more secure than the mail. Remeber before direct deposit we got paid by mail if you where waiting for government checks or your bank.(Adam)

 Best friends republicans. One is passed away and the other is the opposite, without decency or caring for his constituency. But he has a big fight in his state this November like he never had before.






Donald Trump’s deliberately cruel, remorselessly lethal, floundering, blundering, utterly worthless response to the COVID-19 pandemic has left him and his Republican hostages in Congress wide open to a historic electoral rout in November.
Democrats across the country, especially in places where that party traditionally fares poorly, are seeing remarkably favorable poll numbers. Even Mitch McConnell in Kentucky and Lindsey Graham in South Carolina are locked in a re-election fight for their political lives, and who would have thought we’d live long enough to see that.
If the pattern holds — which it should, because Trump is the best campaign spokesman for Democrats in the country, and he ain’t gonna stop — it’s possible that all the Democrats really need is for there to be an election in November. However, because of COVID-19, and Trump, and the generalized revulsion Republicans hold for democracy itself, that November election is growing increasingly unlikely with every passing day. 
Trump and the GOP have good reason to make a real election difficult, if not impossible. Two national polls this week — the Economist/YouGov tracking poll and a new Monmouth poll — have Joe Biden alternately holding or expanding his lead over Trump. Biden has accomplished this without leaving his house, which long-time Biden watchers might well agree is the reason for his lead. It is what it is.
In the House of Representatives, any hopes Republicans had two months ago of retaking the majority and snatching the gavel out of Speaker Pelosi’s hand have fallen to dust. According to the Cook Political Report, “The COVID-19 pandemic has all but frozen House recruitment and fundraising, shielding Democratic incumbents with big financial head starts. Now, Republicans’ path to picking up the 18 seats needed to win back the majority now looks slim to non-existent.”
The Republican majority in the Senate stands now in deep peril. Aside from the tight races McConnell and Graham find themselves in, Susan Collins of Maine is running scared, and for good reason. Voters that were already disgusted by her vacillating flim-flam votes on Justice Kavanaugh and the impeachment of Trump are now faced with her abrupt support for GOP Rep. John Ratcliffe, Trump’s absurd conspiracy theorist pick for director of national intelligence. 
The latest polls have Collins’s challenger, Democrat Sara Gideon, holding a small lead. Morning Consult ranks Collins the most disliked senator in the country (with Bernie Sanders ranked the most popular, so beat that with a stick), and a coalition of women’s groups and voters have vowed to see her defeated. Collins is looking at 40 miles of bad road if she wants to save her seat, and her support of the vastly unqualified Radcliffe will do her no favors. 
In Colorado, Democrat John Hickenlooper holds a double-digit leadover Republican incumbent Cory Gardner. In Montana, Democratic Gov. Steve Bullock holds a 7-point lead over Republican incumbent Sen. Steve Daines. In North Carolina, Democrat Cal Cunningham holds a 9-point lead over incumbent Republican Sen. Thom Tillis. In Arizona, Democrat Mark Kelly leads incumbent Republican Sen. Martha McSally by 8 points. And in Kansas of all places, Democrat Barbara Bollier holds a slim leadover Republican nominee and serial vote thief Kris Kobach.
Of course, polls are polls are polls, and if 2016 taught us anything, it is that you can defecate in one hand and hold a polling sheet in the other, and both will stink in equal measure.
That being said: Kentucky, South Carolina, North Carolina, Maine, Arizona, Colorado, Montana and Kansas. That is blood on the moon for the Republican majority in the Senate.
Combine that with the fact that Biden is leading Trump nationally even as he campaigns in the dark like Gollum seeking his precious, and a doom-addled picture of the future begins to coalesce for the GOP. The Republicans’ decision to hitch their wagon to Trump’s mercurial star makes lemmings appear thoughtful and judicious by comparison.
Which is why Trump and his Republican allies have every intention of making the November election a practical impossibility. Trump can’t “cancel” the election, any more than he can turn off the sun by flicking a switch. He and his pals can, however, throw enough logs in the road to force voters into risking their lives in the midst of a pandemic to get to the polls and cast a ballot.
The answer is straightforward: A concerted national effort must be made to allow voters to cast ballots by mail, with widespread accessible options for people with disabilities. Several states do this for their own elections, and the process tends to be smoother than most. A vote-by-mail infrastructure, supplemented by online cloud-based voting or other fully available accommodations for those with disabilities such as blindness, will allow people to cast a ballot without risking their health at a crowded polling station.
Anthony Fauci and Centers for Disease Control Director Robert Redfieldhave both publicly stated that COVID will be very much present in the fall, and could combine with the annual flu season to make a dangerous situation worse. It’s essential to avoid another lethal spike in infections caused by crowds at the polling stations.
Because mail-in voting is the prudent thing to do, Trump and the Republicans are dead set against it. “Republicans should fight very hard when it comes to state wide mail-in voting. Democrats are clamoring for it,” Trump tweeted back in early April when the idea of mail-in voting first became pressing. “Tremendous potential for voter fraud, and for whatever reason, doesn’t work out well for Republicans.”
Thus, as ever, the quiet part is said aloud by the president of the United States.
“No, mail ballots, they cheat,” said Trump during the April 8 COVID-19 briefing. “OK, people cheat. Mail ballots are a very dangerous thing for this country because they are cheaters.” This, despite the fact that just the month before, Trump himself had voted by mail in the Florida primary. When pressed by reporters on why it’s acceptable for him to vote by mail but not the people, he replied, “Because I’m allowed to.”  
At the center of this maelstrom of nonsense is the United States Postal Service (USPS), which would carry the main burden if a national vote-by-mail program were to take effect. The USPS was on shaky financial ground before the pandemic as the digital age has crowded into its traditional turf, and was a frequent target of Trump’s ire. Since the pandemic, he has doubled down.
Among other things, Trump wants the USPS to charge Amazon higher rates for deliveries, basically because Trump doesn’t like Jeff Bezos, owner of Amazon and The Washington Post. The post office, once as apolitical an agency as you’ll find in government, found itself an unwilling pawn in Trump’s endless quest for vengeance.
The USPS has been further damaged financially by COVID-19, because there simply isn’t as much mail going out, and the service sustains itself on the postage fees it collects. The postal service is currently projecting a $13 billion shortfall in revenue. There was a bipartisan push in Congress to bail the USPS out some weeks ago, but Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin put an end to that.
At the moment, the USPS and Mnuchin are haggling over a $10 billion loan that would bolster the USPS past September. Mnuchin and Trump are demanding a variety of concessions from the Postal Workers Union, one of the last truly muscular public-sector unions left in the country. Like as not, the board that makes USPS policy will concede to at least some of Mnuchin’s demands, because the postal service will cease to exist before the end of summer without an infusion of revenue.
Without a functioning postal service, there can be no mail-in option for the November election, and without the mail-in option, that election could very easily become a deadly debacle that costs lives and robs the people of their voice.
Nothing would please Trump more, which is likely why on Wednesday afternoon he announced that Louis DeJoy, a high-dollar Republican donor and staunch Trump ally, will be named the new postmaster general. For the last two decades, postmasters rose through the ranks of the USPS before assuming the position. DeJoy will parachute in just as the USPS is at its most vulnerable, and just as its services are most desperately needed for the maintenance of democratic rule in the U.S.
At present, the House of Representatives is the only part of the federal government not controlled by Trump and the Republicans. The House’s responsibility to defend the vote and the USPS in this time of unprecedented crisis and threat is manifestly clear. “Mail-in ballots” should be on the lips of Speaker Pelosi and every House Democrat, as well as every Senate Democrat, every single day.
The republic has not faced an existential threat of this magnitude since the Civil War. Yet even in the charnel house of that bloody conflict, in the awesome darkness of 1864, Union soldiers were allowed to vote by mail. If they could do it then, we can do it now.
By William Rivers Pitt
William Rivers Pitt is a senior editor and lead columnist at Truthout. He is also a New York Times and internationally bestselling author of three books: War on Iraq: What Team Bush Doesn’t Want You to KnowThe Greatest Sedition Is Silenceand House of Ill Repute: Reflections on War, Lies, and America’s Ravaged Reputation. His fourth book, The Mass Destruction of Iraq: Why It Is Happening, and Who Is Responsible, co-written with Dahr Jamail, is available now on Amazon. He lives and works in New Hampshire.


April 29, 2020

GOP Are Looking At Trump As The Titanic Taking The Senate Down with Him








WASHINGTON — President Trump’s erratic handling of the coronavirus outbreak, the worsening economy and a cascade of ominous public and private polling have Republicans increasingly nervous that they are at risk of losing the presidency and the Senate if Mr. Trump does not put the nation on a radically improved course.

The scale of the G.O.P.’s challenge has crystallized in the last week. With 26 million Americans now having filed for unemployment benefits, Mr. Trump’s standing in states that he carried in 2016 looks increasingly wobbly: New surveys show him trailing significantly in battleground states like Michigan and Pennsylvania, and he is even narrowly behind in must-win Florida.

Democrats raised substantially more money than Republicans did in the first quarter in the most pivotal congressional races, according to recent campaign finance reports. And while Mr. Trump is well ahead in money compared with the presumptive Democratic nominee, Joseph R. Biden Jr., Democratic donors are only beginning to focus on the general election, and several super PACs plan to spend heavily on behalf of him and the party.

Perhaps most significantly, Mr. Trump’s single best advantage as an incumbent — his access to the bully pulpit — has effectively become a platform for self-sabotage. 

His daily news briefings on the coronavirus outbreak are inflicting grave damage on his political standing, Republicans believe, and his recent remarks about combating the virus with sunlight and disinfectant were a breaking point for a number of senior party officials.

On Friday evening, Mr. Trump conducted only a short briefing and took no questions, a format that a senior administration official said was being discussed as the best option for the president going forward.

Glen Bolger, a longtime Republican pollster, said the landscape for his party had become far grimmer compared with the pre-virus plan to run almost singularly around the country’s prosperity.
“With the economy in free-fall, Republicans face a very challenging environment and it’s a total shift from where we were a few months ago,” Mr. Bolger said. “Democrats are angry, and now we have the foundation of the campaign yanked out from underneath us.”

Mr. Trump’s advisers and allies have often blamed external events for his most self-destructive acts, such as his repeated outbursts during the two-year investigation into his campaign’s dealings with Russia. Now, there is no such explanation — and, so far, there have been exceedingly few successful interventions regarding Mr. Trump’s behavior at the podium.
Representative Tom Cole, Republican of Oklahoma, said the president had to change his tone and offer more than a campaign of grievance.

“You got to have some hope to sell people,” Mr. Cole said. “But Trump usually sells anger, division and ‘we’re the victim.’”
Latest Updates: Coronavirus Outbreak in the U.S.

Trump unveils a plan to help states expand testing. Experts say it is not enough.
Mnuchin says that companies could face “criminal liability” for improperly taking relief funds.
The C.D.C. expands the list of symptoms, and the W.H.O. warns of a long road ahead.

There are still more than six months until the election, and many Republicans are hoping that the dynamics of the race will shift once Mr. Biden is thrust back into the campaign spotlight. At that point, they believe, the race will not simply be the up-or-down referendum on the president it is now, and Mr. Trump will be able to more effectively sell himself as the person to rebuild the economy.
[Read about Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s cloistered mode of campaigning during the coronavirus lockdown.]

(There have been no successful interventions regarding Mr. Trump’s behavior at the podium during his daily coronavirus briefings.Credit...Al Drago for The New York Times)

“We built the greatest economy in the world; I’ll do it a second time,” Mr. Trump said earlier this month, road-testing a theme he will deploy in the coming weeks.
Still, a recent wave of polling has fueled Republican anxieties, as Mr. Biden leads in virtually every competitive state.

The surveys also showed Republican senators in Arizona, Colorado, North Carolina and Maine trailing or locked in a dead heat with potential Democratic rivals — in part because their fate is linked to Mr. Trump’s job performance. If incumbents in those states lose, and Republicans pick up only the Senate seat in Alabama, Democrats would take control of the chamber should Mr. Biden win the presidency. 

“He’s got to run very close for us to keep the Senate,” Charles R. Black Jr., a veteran Republican consultant, said of Mr. Trump. “I’ve always thought we were favored to, but I can’t say that now with all these cards up in the air.”

Republicans were taken aback this past week by the results of a 17-state survey commissioned by the Republican National Committee. It found the president struggling in the Electoral College battlegrounds and likely to lose without signs of an economic rebound this fall, according to a party strategist outside the R.N.C. who is familiar with the poll’s results.

The Trump campaign’s own surveys have also shown an erosion of support, according to four people familiar with the data, as the coronavirus remains the No. 1 issue worrying voters.
Polling this early is, of course, not determinative: In 2016 Hillary Clinton also enjoyed a wide advantage in many states well before November.

Yet Mr. Trump’s best hope to win a state he lost in 2016, Minnesota, also seems increasingly challenging. A Democratic survey taken by Senator Tina Smith showed the president trailing by 10 percentage points there, according to a Democratic strategist who viewed the poll.
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The private data of the two parties is largely mirrored by public surveys. Just last week, three Pennsylvania polls and two Michigan surveys were released showing Mr. Trump losing outside the margin of error. And a pair of Florida polls were released that showed Mr. Biden enjoying a slim advantage in a state that is all but essential for Republicans to retain the presidency.
To some in the party, this feels all too similar to the last time they held the White House.

In 2006, anger at President George W. Bush and unease with the Iraq war propelled Democrats to reclaim Congress; two years later they captured the presidency thanks to the same anti-incumbent themes and an unexpected crisis that accelerated their advantage, the economic collapse of 2008. The two elections were effectively a single continuous rejection of Republican rule, as some in the G.O.P. fear 2018 and 2020 could become in a worst-case scenario. 

“It already feels very similar to the 2008 cycle,” said Billy Piper, a Republican lobbyist and former chief of staff to Senator Mitch McConnell.

Significant questions remain that could tilt the outcome of this election: whether Americans experience a second wave of the virus in the fall, the condition of the economy and how well Mr. Biden performs after he emerges from his Wilmington, Del., basement, which many in his party are privately happy to keep him in so long as Mr. Trump is fumbling as he governs amid a crisis.

Defeating Senator Susan Collins, Republican of Maine, has become a cause for national liberal activists.

(Defeating Senator Susan Collins, Republican of Maine, has become a cause for national liberal activists.Credit...Anna Moneymaker/The New York Times)

But if Republicans are comforted by the uncertainties that remain, they are alarmed by one element of this election that is already abundantly clear: The small-dollar fund-raising energy Democrats enjoyed in the midterms has not abated.

Most of the incumbent House Democrats facing competitive races enjoy a vast financial advantage over Republican challengers, who are struggling to garner attention as the virus overwhelms news coverage.

Still, few officials in either party believed the House was in play this year. There was also similar skepticism about the Senate. Then the virus struck and fund-raising reports covering the first three months of this year were released in mid-April.

Republican senators facing difficult races were not only all outraised by Democrats, they were also overwhelmed. 

In Maine, for example, Senator Susan Collins brought in $2.4 million while her little-known rival, the House speaker Sara Gideon, raised more than $7 million. Even more concerning to Republicans is the lesser-known Thom Tillis of North Carolina. Republican officials are especially irritated at Mr. Tillis because he has little small-dollar support and raised only $2.1 million, which was more than doubled by his Democratic opponent.

“These Senate first-quarter fund-raising numbers are a serious wake-up call for the G.O.P.,” said Scott Reed, the top political strategist at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce.
The Republican Senate woes come as anger toward Mr. Trump is rising from some of the party’s most influential figures on Capitol Hill.

After working closely with Senate Republicans at the start of the year, some of the party’s top congressional strategists say the handful of political advisers Mr. Trump retains have communicated little with them since the health crisis began.

In a campaign steered by Mr. Trump, whose rallies drove fund-raising and data harvesting, the center of gravity has of late shifted to the White House. His campaign headquarters will remain closed for another few weeks, and West Wing officials say the president’s campaign manager, Brad Parscale, hasn’t been to the White House since last month, though he is in touch by phone.
Then there is the president’s conduct.

In just the last week, he has undercut the efforts of his campaign and his allies to attack Mr. Biden on China; suddenly proposed a halt on immigration; and said governors should not move too soon to reopen their economies — a week after calling on protesters to “liberate” their states. And that was all before his digression into the potential healing powers of disinfectants.

Senator Thom Tillis, Republican of North Carolina, has little small-dollar support and raised only $2.1 million in the first quarter. Credit...Pete Marovich for The New York Times
Republican lawmakers have gone from watching his lengthy daily briefings with a tight-lipped grimace to looking upon them with horror.

“Any of us can be onstage too much,” said the longtime Representative Greg Walden of Oregon, noting that “there’s a burnout factor no matter who you are, you’ve got to think about that.”
Privately, other party leaders are less restrained about the political damage they believe Mr. Trump is doing to himself and Republican candidates. One prominent G.O.P. senator said the nightly sessions were so painful he could not bear watching any longer.

“I would urge the president to focus on the positive, all that has been done and how we are preparing for a possible renewal of the pandemic in the fall,” said Representative Peter King, Republican of New York.

Asked about concerns over Mr. Trump’s briefings, the White House press secretary, Kayleigh McEnany, said, “Millions and millions of Americans tune in each day to hear directly from President Trump and appreciate his leadership, unprecedented coronavirus response, and confident outlook for America’s future.”

Mr. Trump’s thrashing about partly reflects his frustration with the virus and his inability to slow Mr. Biden’s rise in the polls. It’s also an illustration of his broader inability to shift the public conversation to another topic, something he has almost always been able to do when confronted with negative story lines ranging from impeachment proceedings to payouts to adult film stars.

Mr. Trump is also restless. Administration officials said they were looking to resume his travel in as soon as a week, although campaign rallies remain distant for now.
As they look for ways to regain the advantage, some Republicans believe the party must mount an immediate ad campaign blitzing Mr. Biden, identifying him to their advantage and framing the election as a clear choice.

“If Trump is the issue, he probably loses,” said Mr. Black, the consultant. “If he makes it about Biden and the economy is getting better, he has a chance.”


March 14, 2020

Republicans Trying to Sneak Anti Abortion Legislation on The Corona bill-Where is the media on This?


Anti-choice lawmakers are stalling emergency legislation

                     




As lawmakers neared a deal on a coronavirus rescue package that would include paid sick leave and free virus testing, a few roadblocks emerged. Among them: Republican attempts to wedge anti-choice restrictions into the House's relief bill, turning—if momentarily—a public health crisis into an abortion debate.
The tensions reportedly revolved around the Hyde Amendment, a decades-old provision that blocks federal funds from going to abortion services, preventing millions of low-income Americans on Medicaid from accessing abortion care.  
According to conservative media, some top Republicans believed a stipulation in the House bill requiring the government to reimburse private laboratories doing coronavirus testing could effectively overturn the Hyde Amendment by establishing a government funding stream not subject to the restrictions. In response, anti-choice lawmakers insisted on including language in the legislation that would reaffirm the principles of the amendment. When Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell announced on Thursday that negotiations over the coronavirus response bill would go into next week, he accused House Speaker Nancy Pelosi of turning the legislation into an “ideological wish list.”  
“Instead of focusing on immediate relief to affected individuals, families and businesses, the House Democrats chose to wander into various areas of policy that are barely related if at all to the issue before us,” McConnell said. 
Yet it is often Republicans who use unrelated legislation as a vehicle for their anti-abortion agenda. And it’s not the first time they’ve used legislation tied to public health emergencies to do it: Amid the spread of the Zika virus in 2016, anti-choice lawmakers added a caveat blocking Planned Parenthood health care providers from accessing any of the designated emergency funds. 
Conservative lawmakers also tried to wedged a sneaky anti-abortion provision into Trump’s 2017 tax plan, giving expectant parents the option of creating a college savings account before their child is even born. The measure included fetal personhood language, referring to fetuses as “unborn children,” and defining “unborn child” as any “child in utero.”  
And abortion restrictions have been a sticking point in spending bills, which both parties use to push for policies they’re having trouble advancing by other means. In 2018, the White House pushed Republicans in Congress to slip measures that threatened to cut federal funding to Planned Parenthood into a bill to prevent the third government shutdown of the year—even though government dollars never went to funding abortion services at the clinics because of the Hyde Amendment. A little less than a year later, Democrats used their new House majority to pass a spending bill that challenged the one of the Trump administration’s most wide-reaching abortion restrictions: the global gag rule, a law that bans U.S. funding from going to international organizations that provide abortion services or even discuss abortion as a form of reproductive health care. (This version of the spending bill did not make it past Senate Republicans.) 
But while government shutdowns can, at a point, become national emergencies, none so far has compared to the scale of the current global coronavirus pandemic, which could leave the U.S. worse off than countries like Italy—which put a quarter of its population on emergency quarantine—the longer it delays decisive action
The unemployment benefits and free testing that are at the core of the coronavirus rescue package mean preventing further spread of the virus, and making sure that low-wage workers can afford to pay for food, rent, and other necessities if they get sick, or if their workplaces shutter to mitigate harm, or as a result of government mandates.  
Neither of those things have to do with abortion—they’re urgent health matters that require the fastest possible response from elected officials. 

August 7, 2019

Republican Rep.Candice Keller Blames Shooting on Drag Queens-She is Ask to Resign by Some






Rep. Candice Keller is under fire after blaming mass shootings on "homosexual marriage" and "drag queen advocates" in a Facebook post. USA TODAY

, Cincinnati Enquirer

COLUMBUS - Ohio Republican Party leader Jane Timken has called on Ohio state Rep. Candice Keller to resign from her seat after the lawmaker's "shocking" comments about Sunday's mass shooting in Dayton
Keller, a Republican from Middletown, Ohio, posted on Facebook on Sunday comments that blamed "drag queen advocates," the Democratic Congress, former President Barack Obama, violent video games and the hatred of veterans for the deaths of nine people and the shooter in Dayton early Sunday. 
Her comments drew the ire of Republicans and Democrats alike. And on Monday afternoon, Timken called for Keller's resignation. 
“While our nation was in utter shock over the acts of violence in El Paso and Dayton, Republican State Representative Candice Keller took to social media to state why she thought these acts were happening," Timken said in a statement. "Candice Keller’s Facebook post was shocking and utterly unjustifiable. Our nation is reeling from these senseless acts of violence and public servants should be working to bring our communities together, not promoting divisiveness.”  
Keller, who lives about 25 miles from Dayton, is running for an Ohio Senate seat currently held Sen. Bill Coley, who is term-limited. Her GOP challengers include Rep. George Lang and West Chester Township Trustee Lee Wong. 
Timken has not spoken with Keller personally about the GOP leader's decision to ask for Keller's resignation, Ohio Republican Party spokesman Evan Machan said. 
Keller responded to Timken's call with a statement: "Establishment moderates have never been fans of mine because I ran against their endorsement and won. As the only conservative in this race, I will be taking my Senate campaign to the voters to decide."
Timken's request was unusual for the chairwoman, who often avoids publicity and rarely gets in the middle of political fights. This is the first time Timken has called on an Ohio official to resign since she was chosen to lead the party in January 2017.
When former Rep. Wes Retherford, R-Hamilton, was arrested after he had passed out at a McDonald's drive-thru, Timken offered a cautious statement: "If these allegations are true, Representative Retherford should resign from office.” Butler County Sheriff Richard Jones also called for Keller to resign on Monday.
"It’s very embarrassing. She doesn’t represent the people in her community with those comments," Jones told The Enquirer. "She’s made a laughingstock out of Butler County, which is a shame."

July 21, 2019

House Republicans Demanding of Amazon to Bring Back Books on Gay Conversion Therapy



 Image result for rats in congress


Earlier this month, Amazon pulled books by a leading proponent of “gay conversion therapy” off their shelves. Now House Republicans want them back.

The Republican Study Committee, a conservative caucus that includes more than 70% of all GOP House members, issued a handout during a private meeting in the Capitol Wednesday asking members to “contact Amazon with concerns” about what they’re calling censorship.

“In recent days, Amazon has banned the sale of several books addressing unwanted same-sex attraction,” according to the handout, obtained by VICE News. “Catholic psychologist, author, and therapist, Dr. Joseph Nicolosi (deceased) penned multiple books to assist men struggling with unwanted homosexual attractions, feelings, and lifestyles.” 
Related image

 The GOP Rodent                
The only way you can describe these republicans that have no idea if it works (Conversion Therapy) or not or what it involves is 'rats.' They are rats and just like Trump they believe they are at the hands of those that call themselves Evangelicals, which I call Anti-Christ-non-angelical. They are connected to those that burn the people they thought were witches. The GOP is directly related to the house republicans in the McCarthy area. They don't have to be related by blood but by morality and in these cases they have none.

The only thing that moves these people is money(power) and votes (power). We have to make sure that on this coming election their number is even more depleted than it was on the last elections. As you can see they don't learn lessons too easily. One punch alone does not do it unless is a knockout. If voters can bring the pendulum back and fix the senate and teach the house we have a constitution and because of it we can not tell a vendor to burn books or to sell any kind of books. If it wasn't so sad it will be kinda funny that people that are graduates of Universities can be so stupid!


October 26, 2018

Republicans Are Using Immigration to Scare Voters Away from The Polls








INDIANAPOLIS, Indiana (Reuters) -
 The commercial opens with an appeal to fear: a hoodie-wearing man prowling an alley, knife in hand. His face remains hidden but the ad makes it clear: He’s an illegal immigrant.  
“We need tough immigration enforcement to keep dangerous criminals out,” says the ad by a national conservative political group, part of an effort to help a Republican challenger, Mike Braun, oust a Democratic incumbent in Indiana and capture a U.S. Senate seat in November’s congressional elections. 
As they try to hang on to control of Congress, Republican candidates are following the lead of President Donald Trump and turning to rhetoric about immigrants as a tactic to motivate voters. The scope of that strategy emerges in a nationwide Reuters examination of ad buys, candidates’ social media posts and polling, as well as dozens of interviews with candidates, voters, and campaign strategists. 
The trend is especially visible on Twitter. Congressional Republicans seeking re-election have dramatically increased the number of tweets they post about immigration since Trump’s election, a Reuters/Ipsos analysis of social media shows. Immigration messaging has surged across the spectrum of Republican-held districts – highly competitive swing seats and reliably Republican ones, in places with immigrant populations both large and small.  
The shift also shows up in the campaign ad wars. In races from Florida to California, in border states and ones with few immigrants, Republicans have poured millions of dollars into advertising that depict illegal immigrants as criminals and vowed enthusiastic support for Trump’s proposed wall at the Mexican border, the Reuters review shows. 
This year, 20 percent of pro-Republican ads in congressional races have cited immigration, according to an analysis of broadcast advertising data through Oct. 15. That’s up from 8 percent in the same period of the 2014 congressional elections and 5 percent in the 2010 races. The analysis was conducted for Reuters by Kantar Media/CMAG, which tracks political ads. 
Spending on Republican ads that mention immigration has more than doubled to $62.4 million this year from the 2014 elections and has quadrupled since the 2010 races, the Kantar Media/CMAG data shows.  Immigration ad spending has also surged in state-level races. (Kantar Media/CMAG estimated earlier this month that total political ad spending for broadcast television would rise to $2.7 billion this year from $2.1 billion in 2014.)  In February, as Braun vied for the party’s nomination for the Indiana Senate seat, he ran a commercial highlighting a deadly highway crash involving a drunk driver who was in the country illegally. “There are lives at stake,” Braun said in the ad. In an interview with Reuters, he said he was not trying to demonize immigrants but was “making a point that border security is important.”  
In Indiana, only about 5 percent of the state’s residents are immigrants, compared with 13.6 percent in the United States as a whole. But in the last two months, nearly a third of television ads sponsored or partially sponsored by Braun have mentioned immigration, said Michael Franz, co-director of the Wesleyan Media Project, a nonpartisan group tracking televised political advertising. Trump won Indiana by nearly 20 points in the 2016 election. 
The attack ad featuring the knife-wielding immigrant was produced by One Nation, a political nonprofit. Spokesman Chris Pack said in a statement that the group works independently of campaigns and “strongly supports the efforts of the President and congressional leadership to reform our broken immigration system.” 
A number of Republican ads link illegal immigrants to crime, but statistics paint a more nuanced picture. While people in the United States illegally have in some instances committed high-profile crimes, multiple studies – including ones from conservative groups like the Cato Institute - have found that immigrants commit crimes at lower rates than native-born Americans.  
National Republican Congressional Committee spokesman Matt Gorman declined to comment on the overall Republican messaging on immigration, but he did say he sees benefits in opposing so-called sanctuary cities, largely Democratic-run metropolises which offer safe harbor to illegal immigrants. Dozens of localities, including New York, Los Angeles, and Chicago, have joined the growing “sanctuary” movement. 
“The issue of sanctuary cities is an issue we have used in several ads this cycle. It’s a potent issue,” he said. “It’s a commonsense thing that many folks are against.” 
Trump won the White House on a promise to crack down on illegal immigrants. He has tried to end a program that gave protection for illegal immigrants who were brought to the United States as children. He has ordered more aggressive enforcement and longer detention. One policy, to separate children from their parents at the southern border, set off an uproar and the president ended the policy in June. 
"The issue of sanctuary cities is an issue we have used in several ads 
this cycle. It’s a potent issue. It’s a commonsense thing that many folks are against."
Trump’s administration has also limited legal immigration, imposing more restrictions on work visas and sharply cutting the number of refugees allowed into the United States. 
A thousands-strong group of immigrants now heading north toward the United States from Central America has inflamed the debate over illegal immigration just days before Americans head to the polls. The caravan has riled up Trump, who is intensifying his efforts to frame the Nov. 6 elections around the threat he says illegal immigrants pose to Americans’ safety.  
Trump’s nationalist tone echoes sentiments rising in parts of Europe since the arrival in 2015 of more than a million people fleeing war and poverty in the Middle East, Africa and beyond. Hungary built a border fence along its southern border with Serbia, and anti-immigration politics have roiled Germany’s parliament. 

A DRAMATIC EVOLUTION 

The anti-immigration rhetoric, advertisements and campaign events, combined with the party’s embrace of Trump’s immigration crackdown, represent a dramatic evolution of Republicanism under Trump. Anti-immigration themes now dominate a party that for decades was defined by fiscal, social and national security conservatism. 
As recently as 2013, when the Senate passed an immigration bill with bipartisan support, a significant portion of the Republican Party backed immigration reform – including a path to citizenship for some of the 12 million people living in the United States illegally. But those voices have been mostly silenced since the rise of Trump, drowned out by his statements decrying “amnesty for illegals” and “chain migration,” his term for the longstanding U.S. policy that allows legal immigrants to bring family members into the country. 
Immigration is now seen as the top issue for likely Republican voters, especially among those who are older and without a college degree, Reuters/Ipsos polling shows. Twenty-three percent of Republicans said this month immigration was the “most important problem” facing the country, up from 4 percent in January 2012. By contrast, Democrats are far more focused on healthcare, the polls show. 
“Immigration is literally number one - with a bullet - in every survey we do,” said Brandon Moody, a Republican consultant at Axiom Strategies working in the Montana Senate race. Moody says the issue also serves as a kind of shorthand, signaling loyalty to Trump’s agenda.  
 “GREATEST THREATS”
The Reuters/Ipsos analysis of Twitter data shows that the number of Republican lawmakers tweeting about immigration has risen sharply since Trump’s election. Reuters and Ipsos searched for immigration-related terms in tweets by Republican federal lawmakers who are seeking re-election in November and have actively tweeted since 2016. 
Across 156 official Twitter accounts of Republican lawmakers and tens of thousands of tweets, the analysis identified 1,409 posts in the first nine months of 2018 which included immigration-related terms and phrases such as “immigrant,” “build the wall” or “border.” That’s a nearly 80 percent increase from 795 posts in the same months of 2017 and more than triple the number from the same period in 2016. 
Reuters reviewed every tweet, weeding out those unrelated to immigration or which were entirely critical of Trump and his policies. The messages varied widely, from statements supporting Trump’s policies to nuanced calls to build a border wall while also reuniting families separated by border authorities.   
The tweets ranged in tone. Some linked immigrants to threats of violence against Americans, like Texas Representative Randy Weber’s Jan. 30 tweets: “President says fix the border so gangs can’t get in & Americans won’t be murdered.” 
Weber’s office declined to comment on the tweet. 
Others praised Trump’s get-tough stance. “Illegal incursions way down, rule of law restored,” wrote Rod Blum, a Republican in Iowa facing a difficult re-election. He tweeted about immigration at least 14 times between January and September. Reuters did not find any tweets by Blum on the subject in 2016 and only a handful in 2017. Blum did not respond to requests for comment. 
Reuters/Ipsos polling indicates that Republican lawmakers are largely preaching to the converted: 77 percent of Republican likely voters in a Sept. 8-17 survey said they supported policies to deport more illegal immigrants. An equal number backed building a wall on the southern border. 
Across the 156 Republican Twitter accounts, Reuters identified only 37 tweets between 2016 and 2018 unambiguously critical of Trump’s immigration policies - almost all criticizing the separation of families at the border. The critical tweets came from 20 lawmakers who had also posted other tweets supporting strengthening border security or cracking down on illegal immigration. 
Some conservatives, while backing stringent curbs on immigration, say the harsh tone has potentially far-reaching consequences – adding to political polarization, spawning harsher enforcement and potentially limiting the party’s appeal to America’s growing minority population. 
“Trump has remade the Republican Party into a blood and soil national political party that is hostile to immigration,” said Steve Schmidt, a former Republican political consultant. He left the party in June in part because of the policy of separating mothers and children at the southern border. Schmidt said the country’s growing Hispanic population ultimately will render the immigration issue “a death knell for the Republican Party.” 
White House spokesman Hogan Gidley said in a statement that Trump supports an immigration system based on the merit of the applicants, which “has nothing to do with race.” 
 “Trump has remade the Republican Party into a blood and soil national 
political party that is hostile to immigration."

CONFLICTED HISTORY 

While Trump has thrust immigration to the center of the party’s identity, the roots of this transformation began years ago. In Indiana, the state’s Republicans have made a journey that mirrors that of the national party.   
In 2006, Republican legislators pushed a plan in the state legislature that would deny public health services to immigrants who had entered the country illegally. Mike Murphy, a Republican representative from Indianapolis, rose to speak in the glass-domed statehouse. 
Murphy had long worked to bring more Latinos into the party. Since many of the bill’s backers were conservative Christians, Murphy quoted verses from the gospel of Matthew about charity to outcasts and strangers. “I just turned it against them – how do you guys profess to be Christians?” Murphy said. The bill was defeated overwhelmingly. 
That year, Mike Pence, a U.S. congressman from Indiana at the time, was considered a rising conservative star. He waded in with a plan to allow illegal immigrants a path to achieve legal status – though he said they would have to leave the country first. Pence pitched his plan in moral terms, calling immigration reform “a test of the character of the conservative movement.” 
Pence was pilloried by hardliners, who labeled the plan a “stealth amnesty.” The bill went nowhere. 
As the far-right Tea Party movement rose in the Republican Party in 2010, resentment toward immigration increased throughout the state. When a new immigration-related bill came before Indiana lawmakers in 2011, they passed it, granting police the authority to detain people suspected of being illegal immigrants. A federal judge later threw out much of the law. 

“SCARY TO THINK ABOUT” 

In 2015, Pence, then Indiana’s governor, signed an order that aimed to block Syrian refugees from coming to Indiana, a harbinger of Trump’s later ban on immigration from mostly Muslim countries. Pence, now Trump’s vice president, saw his order overturned by a federal appeals judge. 
Pence’s spokeswoman, Alyssa Farah, said Pence has “always been for a strong, secure, enforced border and upholding the rule of law,” and that Indiana’s move to reject Syrian refugees was “fundamentally different” from the issue of illegal immigration in the southern border. “Conflating the issue of illegal immigration from our southern border with whether or not a state accepts refugees from Syria is comparing apples and oranges,” she said. 
During the 2016 presidential campaign, Trump returned frequently to Indiana. At nearly every rally, he hit hard at illegal immigration, reprising crimes committed by people in the country illegally. “Raped, sodomized and killed,” he said at a rally in South Bend on May 2, 2016. “This is all over the country. We’re not taking it any more.” 
Trump’s runaway win in Indiana’s presidential nominating contest a day later sealed his conquest of a crowded Republican field. Since the rise of Trump, Murphy said, it has become nearly impossible to have a civil debate about immigration. “Donald Trump made it ok to hate,” said Murphy, who is still a Republican but no longer in the state legislature. 
The White House declined to comment on Murphy’s comments.  
In sparsely populated Montana, almost 90 percent of the population is white and illegal immigrants are estimated to number only in the few thousands. Voter Sandy Shumaker says she was ignorant about how illegal immigration was affecting the country before listening to Trump. 
Wearing an American flag hat with the slogan “Keep America Great,” the 70-year-old retired nurse said immigration is now one of her top concerns. She did not single out any specific campaign and as a source of her thinking. Yet she echoed concerns about illegal immigrants voting for Democrats, as Trump has claimed without proof, and that Americans are being taken advantage of. 
She was the first person in line for a campaign rally last month headlined by Donald Trump Jr., waiting hours to hear his stump for Matt Rosendale, the Republican challenging Democratic Senator Jon Tester. 
“Open borders are scary,” Shumaker said. “Who knows what else is getting in? Drugs, I could imagine. I don’t know, Middle Eastern people that do not have our best interests at heart? It’s just scary to think about it.” 
Reporting By Joseph Tanfani, Jason Lange and Letitia Stein; Additional reporting by Chris Kahn; Editing by Jason Szep, Ross Colvin and Michael Williams

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