Why is Biden Unpopular, He started With A Great Bang

 
To figure out why Biden is so unpopular is simple. The bad numbers have been accumulating every month but he started with a great bang when he Kicked Trump in the bummer. You go back  to when the numbers went south: Afghanistan

Americans did not like to see live on television the Afghan people begging to be allowed to leave and then running after the last plane took off. Some killed themselves by hanging on to the taking-off beast, hiding in the wheel train compartment. Others hung from air vents until the plane gained altitude and they came tumbling down to earth. Who was responsible? Pres. Biden would say the Taliban but it was an American President who gave the order and would not change the line with one or two short exceptions. I support Biden and I feel we have no other choice. He is a good president when you match him up with others. But that incident could have been avoided and say what you want from Trump, he said he was getting out of Afghanistan but never did. he did not have the "cojones" to do it. He was told what could happen. So what happened with Biden? How could he blow that one, keeping in mind that we needed to send more boots on the ground or get out and we had already sent back equipment?

You see, Biden thought he could Transfer Kabul to the government of Afghanistan. But when the President of the Country got on a leer jet and took off (I would have shot that bird down) he ran away. The only sign he was leaving was all the money he took. Money belongs to Afghanistan and the US not to him. But Biden felt he had no choice but to hurry up and get our troops out. His mind was on safeguarding our troops but we had been there in Afghanistan for so long because thousands of Afghanis had helped us and welcomed us. interpreted for us. There is always another way out, the trick is to find it and pay the price. But regardless of what I think the American people tend to think that way also. They kept seeing that Biden made us run. The Marines, Gi's all our soldiers were seen hurrying up to get to the planes. Then it was our soldiers who kept all those women with babies and kids out. Why did it have to be the Americans doing that. That could have been to show mercy and show the country we are supposed to be.

Obviously, the voters have not forgotten. But there is no choice at the moment. I don't think it will be Biden-Trump because Trump will burn out. before that or be in jail. He has already forgotten the English language by repeating and just making an alphabet soup with many 4 letter words. It will probably be one of the people running against Trump now. Polls can be manipulated and that is what the media is doing. You know that you will get a different answer about the same subject but it depends on how you ask the question. They are even saying that Trump is ahead of Biden. How? The polls are just being done for the republican voters who say they are registered to vote. This is a republican primary, not a Democratic primary. The Dems don't need one because they have their candidate who is the leader of the party and that is Biden. It isn't until the Republicans elect their man or woman and then they will be against Biden. What do the media get out of this? They get viewers. If the Republicans did not have so many crazies in their party, anti-constitution and many times American and a crazy ex-President this would be boring elections.

Adam Gonzalez, Adamfoxie






Joe Biden is an unpopular president, and without some recovery, he could easily lose to Donald Trump in 2024.

By itself, this is no great wonder: His two predecessors were also unpopular at this stage of their presidencies, and also endangered in their re-election bids.

But with Trump and Barack Obama, there were reasonably simple explanations. For Obama, it was the unemployment rate, 9.1 percent in September 2011, and the bruising battles over Obamacare. For Trump, it was the fact that he had never been popular, making bad approval ratings his presidency’s natural default.

For Biden, though, there was a normal honeymoon, months of reasonably high approval ratings that ended only with the chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan. And since then, it’s been hard to distill a singular explanation for what’s kept his numbers lousy. 

The economy is better than in Obama’s first term, inflation is ebbing, and the feared recession hasn’t materialized. The woke wars and Covid battles that disadvantaged Democrats are no longer central, and the post-Roe culture wars seem like friendlier terrain. Biden’s foreign policy team has defended Ukraine without (so far) a dangerous escalation with the Russians, and Biden has even delivered legislative bipartisanship, co-opting Trumpian promises about industrial policy along the way.

This has created mystification among Democratic partisans as to why all this isn’t enough to give the president a decent polling lead. I don’t share that mystification. But I do think there’s real uncertainty about which of the forces dragging on Biden’s approval ratings matter most.

Start with the theory that Biden’s troubles are mostly still about inflation — that people just hate rising prices and he isn’t credited with avoiding a recession because wage increases have been eaten up by inflation until recently.

If this is the master issue, then the White House doesn’t have many options beyond patience. The administration’s original inflationary sin, the overspending in the American Rescue Plan Act, isn’t going to be repeated, and apart from the possibility of an armistice in Ukraine relieving some pressure on gas prices, there aren’t a lot of policy levers to pull. The hope has to be that inflation continues to drift down, real wages rise consistently and in November 2024, Biden gets the economic credit he isn’t getting now.

But maybe it’s not just the economy. Across multiple polls, Biden seems to be losing support from minority voters, continuing a Trump-era trend. This raises the possibility that there’s a social-issues undertow for Democrats, in which even when wokeness isn’t front and center, the fact that the party’s activist core is so far left gradually pushes culturally conservative African Americans and Hispanics toward the G.O.P. — much as culturally conservative white Democrats drifted slowly into the Republican coalition between the 1960s and the 2000s.
 
Bill Clinton temporarily arrested that rightward drift by deliberately picking public fights with factions to his left. But this has not been Biden’s strategy. He’s moved somewhat rightward on issues like immigration, in which progressivism’s policy vision hit the rocks. But he doesn’t make a big deal about his differences with his progressive flank. I don’t expect that to change — but it might be costing him in ways somewhat invisible to liberals at the moment.
 
 
Or maybe the big problem is just simmering anxiety about Biden’s age. Maybe his poll numbers dipped first in the Afghanistan crisis because it showcased the public absenteeism that often characterizes his presidency. Maybe some voters now just assume that a vote for Biden is a vote for the hapless Kamala Harris. Maybe there’s just a vigor premium in presidential campaigns that gives Trump an advantage.

In which case a different leader with the same policies might be more popular. Lacking any way to elevate such a leader, however, all Democrats can do is ask Biden to show more public vigor, with all the risks that may entail.

But this is at least a strategy, of sorts. The hardest problem for the incumbent to address may be the pall of private depression and general pessimism hanging over Americans, especially younger Americans, which has been worsened by Covid but seems rooted in deeper social trends. 

I don’t see any obvious way for Biden to address this issue through normal presidential positioning. I would not recommend updating Jimmy Carter’s malaise speech with the therapy-speak of contemporary progressivism. I also don’t think the president is suited to be a crusader against digital derangement or a herald of religious revival.

Biden got elected, in part, by casting himself as a transitional figure, a bridge to a more youthful and optimistic future. Now he needs some general belief in that brighter future to help carry him to re-election.

But wherever Americans might find such optimism, we are probably well past the point that a decrepit-seeming president can hope to generate it himself.

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