October 22, 2016

From Weather at Fox to Gay Porn from Tight End to Wide Receiver[CathodeMcCarron]

 From weather to porn
It’s rainin’ men!

Former CBS anchor and Fox weatherman Jim Walker decided to make a few changes in his life after being told by his network boss that his co-workers did not like him.

Over the last 19 months, the once-clean cut journalist has transformed himself from a weather anchor to a silver fox name Dallas Steele, and has been turning heads in the gay porn industry since he left his network job.

“I am just as comfortable in a suit as I am in a jockstrap,” Steele said in a recent interview.

Pornhub offers Ole Miss QB Chad Kelly a date with a porn star

Since turning his newly enhanced back-side — he recently got butt implants to match his new persona — on broadcasting, Steele has participated in six top-selling, gay pornos and has even been nominated for several awards for his latest performances.

Not once has the 44-year-old looked back at his pressure-heavy and ratings-based jobs in television news, but that’s not to say his new line of work is all pleasure. Despite skyrocketing to fame in a very short amount of time, Steele isn’t without his naysayers. 
One online commenter wrote: “If this is the gay mid-life crisis, I’d rather be straight.”

Sasha Grey has made one of the most impressive transitions from porn to mainstream film. She got her big break in 2009 when she landed the mainstream film, "The Girlfriend Experience," where she played a high-end call girl. She then gained widespread recognition the next year with a recurring role playing herself in "Entourage." Recently, she starred alongside Elijah Wood in the thriller "Open Windows."
“They’ve obviously decided at some point there are limitations to what you do once you hit 40,” he said, adding he often feels bad for those who spend their time belittling him online.

“I’m sorry if the haters have decided that gays over 40 are supposed to put on the board shorts, move to the suburbs and settle down to bridge parties once per week,” he said. “I don’t plan to ever go quietly into the night.”

NY Daily News

 Cathal  McCarron
Irish footballer Cathal McCarron went through similar career detour but in the case of Cathal it was a career killer and according to him he was in debt and also having drugs involved. He went from a killer player in the field to a bottom killer player in bed and other places. Some people were shocked that he immersed into it so fast and sooo deeeep. It wan’t just photos it was straight gay receiver sex from kinky to what some would called light and fun.

James Franco Says His Art is All Gay but His Life is Straight

Ilike to think that I’m gay in my art and straight in my life,” James Franco said to himself in an article for FourTwoNine magazine he wrote titled, The Straight James Franco Talks to the Gay James Franco. “Although, I’m also gay in my life up to the point of intercourse, and then you could say I’m straight.”
Franco toying with the public’s perception of his sexuality is nothing new. He’s made his fascination with gay culture known not just in interviews (in April, he told New York Magazine that he considers himself “a little gay” – even if he doesn’t sleep with other men), but also in his work. His directorial debut, The Broken Tower, explored the life of famous gay American poet who took his own life in 1932, while in the documentary Interior. Leather Bar., Franco partook in an explicit recreation of 40 minutes of deleted footage from 80s thriller Cruising, set in a gay sex club.  
It’s little wonder then why Franco was drawn to his new film, King Cobra: it offered him the chance to play a real-life gay porn star convicted of murder. 
“He loves his scandalous stories, and every now and then, he likes his gay stories,” confides King Cobra writer and director Justin Kelly over breakfast in Los Angeles, hours before he flies to London for the film’s BFI London film festival screening.
The pair had previously collaborated on Kelly’s first project, I Am Michael, another true story about a gay activist who denounced his homosexuality and became a Christian pastor. (The film is slated to open in the US in January, two years after its debut at the Sundance film festival.)
Franco first became acquainted with Kelly on the set of Gus Van Sant’s gay civil rights drama Milk. Franco was playing Harvey Milk’s much younger lover in the film; Kelly acted as the editor’s assistant. Following their work together on the Oscar-winning drama, Franco optioned the New York Times article My Ex-Gay Friend, on which I Am Michael would be based, and Van Sant suggested he hire Kelly to adapt it. A collaborative relationship was forged.
When Franco came to Kelly following I Am Michael, asking what they could do next, Kelly says he floated the idea of adapting the true crime book Cobra Killer: Gay Porn, Murder, and the Manhunt to Bring the Killers to Justice. Franco bit because “he saw it as a challenge” to get financed given the subject matter, says Kelly. 
Like Andrew E Stoner and Peter A Conway’s book, Kelly’s film largely centers on the real-life rise of gay porn star Brent Corrigan (Teen Beach Movie’s Garrett Clayton), and how he became embroiled in the gruesome murder of Bryan Kocis (played by Christian Slater), the gay hardcore porn producer that gave him his first big break. Franco gets close to equal screen-time as Joseph Kerekes, the enterprising but cash-strapped porn producer, who came to be charged with the crime. He delivers a performance to rival his convincing turn as a tattooed drug kingpin in Harmony Korine’s Spring Breakers.
Unlike in Boogie Nights, arguably the best-known film about the inner workings of the porn industry, the sex in King Cobra mostly takes place off set, in the homes of the main players. The scenes feels alive rather than static. Franco was game for anything, according to Kelly “He took things to the next level,” Kelly says. “For one sex scene, I thought I was being crazy by telling him he had to be fully naked wearing a cock sock, and bent over taking it up the ass. 
I told him to say some corny porn things, and he started screaming, ‘Give me that big dick!’ Franco one-upped me.”
Franco’s participation wasn’t enough to impress Corrigan, whose real name is Sean Paul Lockhart. 
When Kelly approached Lockhart to relay his plans for making a film about his life (Lockhart currently still acts in porn under the Brent Corrigan name and has his own sex toy line), he claims Lockhart thought it was all a hoax.
“I think he has a lot of fans who would say something like, ‘James Franco is involved in a movie about you, so you should meet me,’” he says.
After mailing him the script, they met in person, at which point Kelly offered him a small role, and the opportunity to be a consultant on the film. Lockhart declined to participate, but did allegedly sign the required paperwork so the film-makers could use his name. Kelly additionally claims Lockhart was paid an unspecified amount. (Lockhart declined an interview request from the Guardian.)
King CobraPinterestKing Cobra. Photograph: PR/Tribeca Film Festival
Lockhart has since made his reasons known for not working on the film, saying on his Facebook page last October that he would instead write a memoir to document the story in his own words. Leading up to King Cobra’s release, he’s publicly condemned Kelly’s film, tweeting that it “tells a story with contempt for queer culture and mockery for porn”. He alleges: “I gave them permission to use my name but explicitly made it clear that their story was heinous and not sanctioned.” 
Kelly sympathizes with Lockhart, saying he “can only imagine how bizarre it would be to have a film made about your life”, but stresses that in granting permission to use his name, Lockhart’s reaction is “bizarre”.
“I feel like it was a win-win for his career,” Kelly says. “I feel in the film he comes across as a young kid who’s a bit lost and is trying to figure out what to do with his life. It becomes this journey of how he’s going to break free and find his path, his place in the world. In the end, his story is uplifting.”
Kelly says that although the bad blood has tainted the project, the fun experience he had making King Cobra outweighs the ensuing backlash. 
As for reuniting with Franco, Kelly teases: “We have other things planned.”
King Cobra opens in theaters and arrives on VOD 21 October.

Trump in a Funk

As he took the stage here in this mountain town Friday afternoon, Donald Trump was as subdued as the modest crowd that turned out to see him. He complained about the usual things — the dishonest media, his “corrupt” rival Hillary Clinton — but his voice was hoarse and his heart didn’t seem in it.

He also promised to do all that he could to win, but he explained why he might lose.

“What a waste of time if we don’t pull this off,” Trump said. “You know, these guys have said: ‘It doesn’t matter if you win or lose. There’s never been a movement like this in the history of this country.’ I say, it matters to me if we win or lose. So I’ll have over $100 million of my own money in this campaign.”

“So, if I lose,” Trump continued as the crowd remained unusually quiet, “if I lose, I will consider this —”

Trump didn’t finish his sentence.

His final debate performance this week was a bust, with him snarling that Clinton was “such a nasty woman” and gritting his teeth as he angrily ripped pages off a notepad when it was over. He is under fire from all quarters for refusing to say he will honor the election results if he loses, while 10 women have now come forward accusing him of groping or kissing them without consent. The capper to Trump’s bad stretch came Thursday night, when a ballroom full of New York City’s glitterati booed him as he gave remarks attacking Clinton at a charity roast.

The gloomy mood has extended to his signature rallies, which Trump used to find fun. During the primaries, he would bound onto rally stages bursting with energy and a sense of excitement that intensified as the crowds chanted his name and cheered his every word. He would regularly schedule news conferences, call into news shows and chat with reporters, eager to spar with them. He would say politically incorrect things and then watch his polling numbers soar. He used to be the winner.

But no more. In recent days, Trump has tried to explain away his slide in the polls as a conspiracy carried out by the media, Democrats and Republicans. If he loses, it will be because he was cheated, Trump has repeatedly told his supporters, urging them to go to polling places in neighborhoods other than their own and “watch.”

Trump’s supporters have concocted elaborate explanations for why he might lose, often involving massive voter fraud conducted by Democrats who will bus undocumented immigrants and people posing as people who have died to battleground states to vote illegally. There are also fears that election results in some states will be tampered with, and Trump’s backers have cheered his promise to challenge the election results if he doesn’t win.

“Since we can’t check to see if you voted in three states, you will. If you want to vote in three states, you will,” said Larry Lewis, 67, a former electrician who lives in Hendersonville, N.C.. He said he doesn't know anyone who has committed voter fraud but has gotten up to speed on the issue thanks to talk radio. “I mean, that is human nature. I have ultimate faith in human nature.”

Campaigning Friday in Cleveland, Clinton again criticized Trump for refusing to say he will honor the election results and joked about her time onstage debating him. “I have now spent 41/2 hours onstage with Donald, proving once again I have the stamina to be president,” she said.

Banker Met a Constable on Grindr Killed and Cooked Parts of Him

This killer takes his time comparing buckets into which dump parts of a corpse

An on-duty police officer in London was allegedly killed by his Grindr date, who then disposed of the body by dissolving it in an “acid bath” inspired by the TV show “Breaking Bad.”

Stefano Brizzi allegedly posted an ad for “hot, dirty, sleazy” sex on the gay dating app Grindr, and officer PC Gordon Semple, who was in a relationship but described by prosecutor Crispin Aylett as “sexually promiscuous,” responded looking for an “extreme” encounter of “domination, bondage and much else besides.” That “much else besides,” unfortunately, ended up being his death.

Brizzi confessed to strangling Semple to death after police were called because neighbors were complaining of a horrible smell coming from his apartment. He had told other residents he had been cooking for a friend in town, but in reality he was dissolving Semple’s body in a bath of acid, something he reportedly was inspired to do after watching “Breaking Bad.” Police entered to find Brizzi in nothing but underwear and goggles, and “globules of flesh” floating in a plastic tub.

“I’ve tried to dissolve the body,” Brizzi allegedly told an officer. “I’ve killed a police officer. I killed him last week. I met him on Grindr and I killed him. Satan told me to.”

However, jurors are now being told Brizzi is saying the whole thing was “a sex game gone wrong.” Simple and Brizzi had reportedly invited other men to the apartment that day to participate in a sex and drug orgy, but only one man showed up. According to Brizzi, he rang the intercom at the exact moment Semple was being throttled to death.

“I was right in the middle of strangling Gordon,” Brizzi is said to have told police. “I said to — he was right there at the door — and I said to him, ‘Look, this is not the right time now, people are falling ill and it’s a mess.'” Brizzi then told him the party was canceled, and the man left and returned home.

Brizzi’s reported “obsession” with “Breaking Bad” goes beyond his method of disposing of Semple’s body. He also — surprise — is a crystal meth addict, which in part cost him his old job at Morgan Stanley. He also allegedly told a support group “he believed in the Devil, and liked ‘satanic rituals’ which involved having sex over the sign of the pentagon.”

Prosecutor Aylett told jurors they would need “broad minds and strong stomachs” during the trial.

[Sky News]~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Before dissolving his body in a bath of acid, the Old Bailey heard.

Stefano Brizzi, 50, allegedly murdered PC Gordon Semple at his Bermondsey flat after meeting through gay dating app Grindr for “extreme” sadomasochistic sex.

After strangling the 59-year-old officer, Brizzi used a saw to chop up the body, disposing of some parts in the River Thames, the court heard.

When neighbours complained of a “revolting” smell coming from the flat, police were called and caught Brizzi trying to dispose of the rest of the body.

“Inside the flat, the officers were met with a sight that must have been beyond anything for which they had been trained”, said prosecutor Crispin Aylett QC.

“In the bathroom, the bath was full of what turned out to be acid."

The body of PC Gordon Semple was found after he went missing (Metropolitan Police)
Mr Aylett added that flesh was found in the bath.

He added: "On the bathroom floor were plastic buckets containing human remains.”

Quizzed about what happened, Brizzi allegedly told the officer: “I’ve tried to dissolve the body...I’ve killed a police officer.

“I killed him last week. I met him on Grindr and I killed him. Satan told me to.”

Mr Aylett warned the jury as he opened the case: “The nature of the evidence, I am afraid, is such as to call for strong stomachs as well as broad minds.”

The court heard Brizzi invited PC Semple, from Greenhithe, Dartford, to his flat on the Peabody Estate in Southwark Street on April 1, despite him being on duty.

Mr Aylett said the officer was openly gay and in a relationship, but was “sexually promiscuous” and used Grindr to meet other men.

He said: “The sexual activity that followed might be of an extreme nature: domination, bondage, and much else besides. It is also the case that drugs were often involved.”

PC Semple went to meet Brizzi on April 1, texting that he was “free now for hot dirty sleazy session”, and together they invited others to a gay sex orgy.

Mr Aylett said two men said they were interested in joining in, but one was put off by the possible use of drugs.

Mr Aylett said an associate of Brizzi told police he was a fan of hit TV show Breaking Bad.

"Stefano Brizzi had been obsessed with the American television show Breaking Bad", he told the jury.

"In the series a chemistry teacher named Walter White starts producing crystal meth.

"At first this is done to pay for medical care but he soon decades into the criminal underworld - after poisoning a rival White ends up dissolving the body in acid."

Jurors have heard Brizzi was hooked on crystal meth and had lost his job at Morgan Stanley when the drugs were affecting his lifestyle.

The other man, known in court as CD, arrived at Brizzi’s home later in the afternoon, but when he pressed the buzzer he was told: “We are having a situation here. Someone fell ill but we’re taking care of it. So our party is cancelled.”

Mr Aylett said: “CD must have arrived at the front door of the block at the very point at which Gordon Semple was meeting his death inside the defendant’s flat.”

The court heard that Brizzi later told the police: “I was right in the middle of strangling Gordon and I said to - he was right at the door - and I said to him: ‘Look, this is not the right time now, people are falling ill on drugs and it’s a mess’.

“Over the next few days, the defendant’s neighbours became increasingly conscious of a revolting smell that was coming from the defendant’s flat.”

The discovery of PC Semple’s remains was not made until April 7, a week after he had been killed, when Brizzi answered the door wearing only sunglasses and his underpants.

A missing persons search was launched for the Scottish-born officer before the eventual discovery that he was dead.

Brizzi, of the Peabody Estate, in Southwark Street, Bermondsey, has pleaded guilty to obstructing a coroner by disposing of the body, but denies murder.

The trial continues.


October 21, 2016

Do Sexual Predators start at pre-Puberty? This one Did

 We see a big shadow but we don’t know the sex or age of the  predator in this illustration. Keeping in m ind that rape is not about sex but about gratification through power. So much study is needed on this field. Because of hush hush attitudes towards sex, this has kept crimes attached to it also in the hush. Close attitudes toward sex and sexual attractions incubate not only misinformation but also diseases and crimes. What victim is going to talk about their experience if they are ashamed? In the story below we have a nine year old that was repeatedly violated yet he kept quiet and in contact with the aggressor.  [adamfoxie]

A boy who was 11 when he raped a nine-year-old searched the internet for "gay rape", "gay porn" and "gay rape porn", a court has heard.
Now aged 13, the boy also sexually assaulted two other boys aged seven and 11.
A judge told the youngster he was concerned he "may have been affected by material available to you [online]".
The boy, from Blackpool, was given a four-year sentence at Preston Crown Court.
Judge Mark Brown said the boy, who earlier pleaded guilty to rape and sexual assault, would have received a considerably longer sentence if he had been an adult.
He said the boy was not "experimenting sexually" but rather was "obtaining sexual gratification or pleasure" by assaulting the children.
The nine-year-old victim had been sexually assaulted in his bedroom "on a number of occasions over a period of some time" and rapes had also taken place, the court was told.
Judge Brown told the boy it was "a terrible and dreadful thing you did to him and I hope you appreciate it should never have happened."

'Desire outweighed remorse'

The court was told that while on bail, the boy had committed another assault.
The court heard that a pre-sentence report indicated the boy was a "high" risk for committing further offences and he would be subject to notification requirements under the Sexual Offences Act upon release.
Virginia Hayton, defending, said her client "clearly needs help and support" but had been using his time in custody productively.
She said there were "concerns about his upbringing" but conceded he was aware of his actions and his "desire outweighed the knowledge and remorse of what he was doing".
Judge Brown said he would be "failing" in his "public duty" if he did not send the boy into custody for his "terrible crimes" but hoped people would understand he must have regard for the boy's future and welfare.
"I must have in mind all that I know about you - your capabilities as a young person, and in particular your future, your welfare and the prospects of reform and rehabilitation", he said.

Government Asks Judge to Keep American Hacker Locked Up

Federal prosecutors are urging a judge to order the continued detention of a Maryland man accused of stealing a huge amount of highly classified material from the National Security Agency. 
Harold T. Martin III was arrested in late August and charged with keeping top secret material in his home and car. In court documents filed Thursday, prosecutors say FBI agents have recovered roughly 50,000 gigabytes of material, which would be equivalent to 500 million pages of documents containing text and images. 


A sign stands outside the National Security Administration (NSA) campus on Thursday, June 6, 2013, in Fort Meade, Md. Another release of declassified government surveillance documents is underway as part of an ongoing civil liberties lawsuit. The Obama administration published more than 1,000 pages of once-secret court opinions and National Security Agency procedures on the website of the Office of the Director of National Intelligence on Nov. 18, 2103. Patrick Semansky / AP file

Analysts are now going through it all to determine how much was classified. 
If Martin is released on bail, the Justice Department says, he could get access to material he has hidden that FBI agents haven't yet found. What's more, they say, since his arrest has been made public, foreign agents are aware of the kinds of things Martin knows. 
 This makes him, prosecutors say, "a prime target, and his release would seriously endanger the safety of the country and potentially even the defendant himself." 
They also say he had a number of firearms and once told his wife that he would end his life "if he thought it was all over."  The court filing says one of the documents he stole, during a 20-year period of taking materials home, contained handwritten notes describing the NSA's computer systems, written "as if the notes were intended for an audience outside of the Intelligence Community." 
 Another document described "specific operational plans against a known enemy of the United States." 
Many of the classified documents were lying openly in his house or stored in the back seat and trunk of his car, which he parked in a driveway outside his house. 
His lawyers, public defenders James Wyda and Deborah Boardman, say the crimes he's charged with don't permit a court to deny bail. The government "concocts fantastical scenarios" in which he might attempt to flee, but his wife and home are here. 
"There is no evidence he intended to betray his country," they say. 
Investigators say they have concluded that some of the most sensitive material taken by Martin was also offered for sale on the dark web in August, but they have not determined whether it was provided by Martin, stolen from him or hacked from one of his computers, or obtained some other way. 
A judge holds a hearing on Martin’s detention request Friday afternoon.[Update] Judge ruled he will remain locked up with no bond.

NBC News

What Happens if Trumps Does Not Concede

Despite repeated claims of a “rigged” election, Republican candidate Donald Trump still managed to surprise voters during Wednesday night’s final presidential debate by suggesting that he would not accept the results of November’s contest.

“What I’m saying is that I will tell you at the time,” Trump told moderator Chris Wallace. “I'll keep you in suspense, OK?”

Trump’s refusal to accept the election outcome would be unprecedented and a renunciation of a long-standing tradition with a deep history in the United States’ democratic process.

Speaking at a campaign rally today in Ohio, Trump reiterated his stance.

"I would like to promise and pledge to all of my voters and supporters and to all of the people of the United States, that I will totally accept the results of this great and historic presidential election. If I win," he said.

There is no requirement in election law for the act of conceding to take place. Additionally, the concession is typically made by the candidate finishing in second place; scores of elections have been decided without the president-elect hearing from third-party candidates.
"While we certainly have come to expect the tradition of the election night concession in the television era, especially when the results appear conclusive, it bears repeating that there is no official status to preliminary returns," according to Edward B. Foley, an election law expert and professor at the Mortiz College of Law at The Ohio State University, who has written about the subject.

"In short, we don't have a constitutional crisis on our hands if we don't have a gracious concession on election night even if the result appears a blow out," he continued.

The concession of the election’s loser legitimizes the election for that candidate’s supporters. While Trump’s claims that the election is “rigged” have been levied without any supporting evidence, plenty of the Republican nominee’s supporters believe his words.

When then-Vice President Al Gore notably rescinded his earlier concession from George W. Bush in 2000, he did so to indicate that his campaign would wait for the results of an automatically-triggered recount in the state of Florida. Trump’s campaign manager, Kellyanne Conway, used the Gore example to defend Trump’s comments following the debate.

“Remember, Al Gore did concede. He conceded to Gov. George W. Bush and then called and rejected the concession and went on to contest the results,” said Conway. “It went all the way to the Supreme Court. Election day was early November. Maybe Nov. 6 that year. And that case was decided on Dec. 12.”

Trump made a similar argument at today's rally, explaining that "if Al Gore or George Bush had agreed three weeks before the election to concede the results and wave their right to a legal challenge or a recount, then there would be no Supreme Court case."

However, in Gore’s situation, the point of contention was the final count of the vote and the process by which those votes were counted, not allegations of fraud as Trump claims. After seeking additional time for the recount in Florida to continue, a request denied by the Supreme Court, Gore did concede the election -- for a second time -- to Bush.

“Just moments ago I spoke with George W. Bush and congratulated him on becoming the 43rd president of the United States. And I promised him that I wouldn't call him back this time,” Gore said in his concession speech.

“Let there be no doubt, while I strongly disagree with the court's decision, I accept it,” he added. “I accept the finality of this outcome.”

Trump is free to request a recount of votes but the comparison to the 2000 election is a difficult one to make. Gore’s case, based on the status of the electoral votes at the time, was that Florida’s result, already shown to have a thin margin based on exit polls, would swing the election's outcome. It would be difficult for Trump to reasonably ask for a recount should there be a wider electoral vote gap between he and Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton.

Whether or not Trump concedes, the process to verify the election results will continue as it does following every presidential election. State boards of election, departments of state and other organizations responsible for counting votes will publicly report their results. Members of the electoral college then cast their ballots based upon that total, and the final electoral count is read before a joint session of Congress in January, confirming the outcome.

As debate moderator Chris Wallace noted Wednesday night, the more significant concern at hand is not the certainty of the winner, but the continuation of the tradition of a “peaceful transition of power.”

“The loser concedes to the winner and…the country comes together in part for the good of the country,” Wallace said. “Are you saying you're not prepared now to commit to that principle?”

“I will look at it at the time,” said Trump. “I’m not looking at anything now.”

NICOSIA, Cyprus 

When It was a Crime to be Gay

George Montague was convicted in 1974 of gross indecency with a man.
Now 93 and married to a man, he's "the luckiest, happiest, old gay man alive".
But for many years, he led a double life - married to a woman but secretly knowing he identified as homosexual.
As the government announces gay and bisexual men convicted of now-abolished sexual offences in England and Wales will be offered pardons, George tells Newsbeat what it was like to be gay, when it was still a crime.
I was living a complete lie
George Montague
George believes he should never have been convicted of a crime and says the only thing he was guilty of is "being in the wrong place at the wrong time".
He says he was found by police in a public toilet, but he wasn't doing anything wrong and was totally innocent.
Instead of a pardon, he wants an apology from the government.
"Gays today have never had it so good. The internet, gay bars," he says.
"When I was young, living in a little country village, when I came out as gay, the only thing you could do was to go... to the gents."
George and Daniel
Chatting with George, is Newsbeat listener Daniel Harris, 33, who is also gay and says he appreciates how difficult it must have been to be homosexual when it was still a crime.
"It was all behind closed doors. There was a lot of prejudice," Daniel says.
"I have friends that in the 1990s were finding men in toilets. That's something I'm aware still happens today"
George says he has experienced homophobia during his lifetime.
Gays today have never had it so good. The internet, gay bars
George Montague
"It [being gay] was such an aberration," he says.
"Anyone talking about it, if they didn't know I was [gay], they automatically assumed anyone was gay was also a paedophile.
"It couldn't be further from the truth."
The age of sexual consent is currently 16 but George believes it should be significantly older. He says young people can be "vulnerable", especially if they are later to mature compared to their peers.
"It's now maybe 70% to 80% accepted, homosexuality. It's because of gay marriage," says George.
Speaking of his first marriage, to a woman, George tells Daniel: "We were married for 45 years but the last 20, she met my present husband, she met several of my boyfriends.
"She accepted the fact I was gay and I needed that. We made the best of it.
"I concentrated on doing whatever I should have done as a good husband and father.
“I was living a complete lie."

Find us on Instagram at BBCNewsbeat and follow us on Snapchat, search forbbc_newsbeat

October 20, 2016

Clinton Weakens on Third Debate but Won

Clinton Wins Third Debate

Demagogue in Chief Trump

Lately I’ve been thinking back to something that John Kerry told The Atlantic’s editor in chief, Jeffrey Goldberg, earlier this year. Asked about the importance of the Middle East to the United States, Kerry answered entirely about the Islamic State.

“Imagine what would happen if we don’t stand and fight [ISIS],” he said:

If we didn’t do that, you could have allies and friends of ours fall. You could have a massive migration into Europe that destroys Europe, leads to the pure destruction of Europe, ends the European project, and everyone runs for cover and you’ve got the 1930s all over again, with nationalism and fascism and other things breaking out. Of course we have an interest in this, a huge interest in this.

The 1930s all over again—Kerry was laying out a prediction in April, but it sounds a little more like description now. Even if America’s current dunderheaded demagogue loses the presidential election, the European project already falters in the United Kingdom, and Russia rumbles with revanchism. Fueled now (as then) by an ailing global economy, far-right nationalism seems ascendant worldwide. It’s hard not to think of the 1930s as the catastrophe which presaged our contemporary tragicomedy.

I write and report on climate change, not a pursuit that usually encourages optimism, but watching all this unfold with the atmosphere in mind has been particularly bleak. For the past few months in particular, I’ve been thinking: Wow, this is all happening way earlier than I thought it would.

Spend enough time with some of the worst-case climate scenarios, and you may start to assume, as I did, that a major demagogue would contest the presidency in the next century. I figured that the catastrophic consequences of planetary warming would all but ensure the necessary conditions for such a leader, and I imagined their support coming from a movement motivated by ethnonationalism, economic stagnation, and hatred of immigrants and refugees. I pictured, in other words, something not so far from Trump 2016.

I just assumed it wouldn’t pop up until 2040.

This kind of worry is speculative—very speculative—but it is not ungrounded. A large body of scholarship suggests that climate change could exert grave effects on international politics this century. Planet-wide warming will dry out regions of the world already riven with ethnic and political strife, all the while impoverishing and destabilizing the Western powers that backstop global order. A recent study even argues that climate-triggered environmental shocks will exacerbate the very divisions that authoritarians have historically sought to exploit.

So to now watch a demagogue contest the presidency, running a campaign that appeals to racism and xenophobia, has felt less like the sudden apparition of an unfathomable nightmare and more like the early realization of a seasonal forecast. You can hear the long-predicted gusts, the rain pounding on the roof and the groaning thunder. It’s all just happening four decades earlier than the weather person said.

So I want to propose a new way of understanding Donald Trump. He not only represents a white racial backlash, and he has not only opened the way for an American extension of the European far right. Insofar as his supporters are drawn to him by a sense of global calamity, and insofar as his rhetoric singles out the refugee as yet another black and brown intruder trying to violate the nation’s cherished borders, Trump is the first demagogue of the Anthropocene.

We should take Trump at his word when he calls Syrian refugees “one of the great Trojan horses,” or when his son bizarrely describes them as Skittles that “will kill you.” In Europe, Trump’s far-right kin have long blurred the differences between legal immigration, Islamist terrorism, and the refugees fleeting the Syrian War. After the Paris attacks last year, one leader of the French far-right National Front said, “Today, we can see that immigration has become favorable terrain for the development of Islamism.”

This xenophobia is grounded in real-life trends. I will focus on two in particular: moribund economic growth and the mass migration of non-white people. Both will likely intensify as the planet warms. (A third vital trend—the political and cultural upheaval of the U.S. racial hierarchy—will not vary with climate change.)

First, climate change could easily worsen the inequality that has already hollowed out the Western middle class. A recent analysis in Nature projected that the effects of climate change will reduce the average person’s income by 23 percent by the end of the century. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency predicts that unmitigated global warming could cost the American economy $200 billion this century. (Some climate researchers think the EPA undercounts these estimates.)

Future consumers will not register these costs so cleanly, though—there will not be a single climate-change debit exacted on everyone’s budgets at year’s end. Instead, the costs will seep in through many sources: storm damage, higher power rates, real-estate depreciation, unreliable and expensive food. Climate change could get laundered, in other words, becoming just one more symptom of a stagnant and unequal economy. As quality of life declines, and insurance premiums rise, people could feel that they’re being robbed by an aloof elite.

They won’t even be wrong. It’s just that due to the chemistry of climate change, many members of that elite will have died 30 or 50 years prior.

Yet the second trend—the combination of mass migration and racist backlash—could push even more polities toward authoritarianism. Migration is also harder to predict than inequality: Wars and exoduses are not as easy to model as flood damage and agricultural yields.

But academics are trying. Jürgen Scheffran, a professor of geography at the University of Hamburg, has been investigating whether climate change makes armed conflict more likely for more than a decade. In 2012, he worked on a team that analyzed all 27 empirical studies investigating the link between war and climate change.

“Sixteen found a significant link between climate and conflict, six did not find a link, and five found an ambiguous relationship,” he told me. He described these numbers as inconclusive. Trying to prove that climate change is linked to war, he said, would be like trying to prove that smoking causes cancer with only one available case study.

“That alone was complicated to prove over time,” he said. “There were millions of cases of individuals who were smoking, and millions who got cancer, and you can develop a correlation between these two phenomena.”

“But there is only one world, and not a million worlds, in which the temperature is rising, and you cannot associate a single event—like a single hurricane or a single conflict—to climate change. It’s a statistical problem, and we don’t have enough data yet,” he said.

He sketched the basic dispute in the field: One set of researchers, whose most prominent advocates work at the Peace Research Institute of Oslo, contend that there is not a meaningful link between conflict and climate change. Another school of thought, which centers around researchers in the Bay Area, say that warming is already driving conflicts worldwide.

Partly it depends on whom you ask. Malin Mojbörk, a senior researcher at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, recently described a “growing consensus” in the literature that climate change can raise the risk of violence. And the U.S. Department of Defense already considers global warming a “threat multiplier” for national security. It expects hotter temperatures and acidified oceans to destabilize governments and worsen infectious pandemics.

Indeed, climate change may already be driving mass migrations. Last year, the Democratic presidential candidate Martin O’Malley was mocked for suggesting that a climate-change-intensified drought in the Levant—the worst drought in 900 years—helped incite the Syrian Civil War, thus kickstarting the Islamic State. The evidence tentatively supports him. Since the outbreak of the conflict, some scholars have recognized that this drought pushed once-prosperous farmers into Syria’s cities. Many became unemployed and destitute, aggravating internal divisions in the run-up to the war.

Scheffran underlined these climate connections but declined to emphasize them. “The Syrian War has so many complex interrelated issues—and most of them are political and economic—that the drought is just one contributing factor to the instability in the region,” he said.

This basic disagreement is what makes Carl-Friedrich Schleussner’s research so compelling. Schleussner, a researcher at the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research, trained as a climate scientist. When he started studying armed conflict, he was surprised to see that many studies focused on changing rainfall or gradual temperature increases.

“What we found surprising about this debate was people were purely focusing on temperature indices or precipitation indices,” he told me. “In our analysis, it’s all about the exogenous shock. We were all interested in, to what extent does a big event like a flooding or a drought undermine society, or trigger a conflict outbreak?”

He and his colleagues suspected that most people can adjust over time to slower changes in their local environment. What they wanted to know what whether conflict could be stirred by a flood, drought, or wildfire—a sudden act of god that destroys deep wealth with little warning.

To get at these questions, they avoided using a meteorological database at all. Instead, they opted for an index of the economic damage wrought by natural disasters. They used, in fact, one of the largest databases of this type: the natural-disaster-cost data assembled by Munich Re, a enormous global reinsurance company. (Reinsurance firms sell insurance to consumer insurance companies, and therefore must monitor the changing costs of natural disasters.) Munich Re’s tally encompasses over 18,000 “climate-related events” between 1980 and 2010. Schleussner and his colleagues were the first to use it in climate research.

They were not disappointed. Heatwaves, droughts, and other climate-related exogenous shocks do correlate to conflict outbreak—but only in countries primed for conflict by ethnic division. In the 30-year period, nearly a quarter of all ethnic-fueled armed conflict coincided with a climate-related calamity. By contrast, in the set of all countries, war only correlated to climatic disaster about 9 percent of the time.

“We cannot find any evidence for a generalizable trigger relationship, but we do find evidence for some risk enhancement,” Schleussner told me. In other words,  climate disaster will not cause a war, but it can influence whether one begins.

Schleussner demurred when I asked him to think through some scenarios. Right now, his conclusions don’t suggest how climatic disasters become armed conflict. He also does not believe that every ethnically divided country will crack up as the planet warms. “Out of the 50 countries that can be classified as ethnically factionalized, there’s also Canada. And Canada is not that conflict-prone, apart from hockey, right?” he said.

But his paper does detail particular areas of concern—and both of them border Europe. Models predict that northern Africa and the Levant, both already drought-prone, will dry out significantly over the course of the century. On the phone, Schleussner also cited southern Africa and south-central Asia as regions to watch. (It’s no coincidence that some of the largest, longest wars this century have occurred in those places.)

Schleussner and his colleagues also allude to a nightmare scenario in the paper itself, though they couch it in clinical language: “Further destabilization of Northern Africa and the Levant may have widespread effects by triggering migration flows to neighboring countries and remote migrant destinations such as the European Union.”

In other words, a drought-and-flood-fueled armed conflict near the Mediterranean Basin could send people toward Western Europe in the hundreds of millions. This is the “1930s all over again” scenario that Kerry mentioned, the one playing out in miniature right now, made all the worse through the aggravation of a climate-changed world.

Never mind armed conflict. Could disastrous environmental upheaval produce mass migration all by itself?

The consensus here is more muddied. “It’s very difficult to predict anything about migration, generally speaking,” says Cristina Bradatan, a professor of sociology at Texas Tech University who studies, well, migration. “And when we talk about climate-change migration, that is forced migration—which is the worst situation from the point of view of projection. So if there is a consensus, it’s that it’s very difficult to know what will happen.”

She also resisted commenting on the nightmare scenario. “In Europe, there is all this fear that there will be a huge mass migration from Africa due to environmental changes,” she said. The literature makes that seem unlikely: Most poor people have neither the means nor the international connections needed to actually flee a country, she said. So if their homes become untenable, they instead move to the nearest safe place—which is often the nearest city.

“I wouldn’t say that there would be a mass migration to Europe, but I would expect to see a large number of people being displaced within Africa,” she said.

No matter what, any international mass migration will produce systemic strain. If people do cross a national border while seeking refuge, existing international law will not have a mechanism to understand them.

“When I would teach my students this, I would say: There is literally, in legal parlance, no such thing as an environmental refugee,” says Edward Carr. “To meet the international standard for refugee, a changing environment is not a forcing. It doesn’t count.”

Carr is a professor of geography at Clark University, and he sits on the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. He believes governments must focus on reducing the risk of migration crises in the first place, partly because defining and creating a safety net for environmental refugees will prove so difficult.

“The reason this is a problem, and so challenging to deal with politically, is that this is what they call the slow-onset disaster,” he said. “Rarely will we see situations where a place just goes bone-dry for 10 years, and everyone has to move or die. That’s not the scenario.”

He went on. “As I used to pose to [students]: When would you attribute the decision to move to changes in the climate? Does a place have to be dry for five years? For 10 years? Does someone have to have three children die, and then they decide to move? There’s no line for this.”

Climate change could push Western politics toward demagoguery and authoritarianism in two ways, then. First, it could devastate agricultural yields and raise food prices; destroy coastal real estate and wash away family wealth; transform old commodities into luxury goods. Second, it could create a wave of migration—likely from conflict, but possibly from environmental ruination—that stresses international reception systems and risks fomenting regional resource disputes.

In effect, it could erode people’s sense of security, pushing them toward authoritarianism.

If this model of authoritarian response seems simplistic, that’s because it is. Economic strife and mass migration have produced far-right authoritarianism in the past, so I assume they could in the future. Empirically speaking, financial crises especially seem to cause a flight to the extremes. But they do not guarantee anything, and I’ve focused on the questions of contributors—mass migration and conflict—because they are easier to predict than politics.

Yet in doing so I’ve committed the trend-tracker’s fallacy. Like the CEO in the 1950s who predicted that America would see flying cars and three-day workweeks by the year 1999, I’ve assumed that every ongoing trend line can be extrapolated out indefinitely. They can’t. The actual future will be far stranger.

Yet history will still be constrained by demography, ideology, and atmospheric chemistry. “There are certainly plenty of viable scenarios where people could move into places and you get an ethnonationalist backlash. We’re seeing it!” Carr said at one point. “So clearly it could happen again. And I absolutely am convinced that, in the long run, the effects of climate change will be problematic and destabilizing for many of us in many places.”

Trump is, in essence, a double case—a preview of what’s to come and a way to practice dealing with it. He represents a test that the leaders of a major American political party are failing, and that the electorate may only narrowly pass. He is showing us how ill-prepared the United States is for post-climate demagoguery, and he gives us an opportunity to improve our societal immune response.

How might we do that? His rise also suggests a number of defense mechanisms. Obviously, the first is that climate change must be mitigated with all deliberate speed. But he also suggests certain cultural mechanisms. Some Americans may favor more restrictive immigration policies, but—in order to withstand against future waves of mass migration (and humanely deal with the victims of climate change)—racist fears must be unhooked from immigration restrictionism. In other words, as a matter of survival against future authoritarians, white supremacy must be rejected and defeated.

And there is a third method of fighting back against Trump and his ilk. Carr doesn’t think it makes sense to improve the response in receiving countries; I am less convinced. After all, he also told me that reception to migrants in the U.S. depends greatly on regional cultures. Central Massachusetts, where he lives now, welcomed about 10,000 Ghanian refugees in the 1970s, and it never entered a period of mass white-nationalist revulsion. The United States still welcomes and integrates immigrants faster than European countries.

Those regional cultures can still be improved and strengthened. In April, a poll conducted by The Atlantic and the Public Religion Research Institute found that the voters most likely to vote for Donald Trump were civically disengaged—they did not go to church, or volunteer at school or Girl Scouts, or join a book club. These Americans were also more likely to be financially insecure and less likely to be well educated.

When journalists write about how you can avert the worst of climate change, they focus primarily on technological means. The environmentally anxious are encouraged to give up industrial beef, to buy carbon credits, to install rooftop solar panels. An entrepreneurial neighborhood might be told to build community solar. A well-off consumer might be asked to splurge on an electric car.

The only social or political act that most of these explainers will propose is this: You should vote for candidates who understand climate science and who will act to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. (In the United States, and in no other developed country, that only describes the candidates of one major political party.)

It makes sense to put voting  in that list because, really, all those technological actions resemble voting—they are all essentially just types of harm reduction. At worst, skipping beef or buying carbon credits is an ethically valuable but economically worthless gesture; at best, it modestly helps avoid a much worse outcome.

But Trump’s success in the primary among the civically disintegrated suggests another way forward. Improving the United States’s immune response to authoritarian leadership—a response that could be repeatedly tested in the century to come—can follow from weaving its civic fabric ever tighter. I don’t know what this will look like, exactly, for every person. But here are some places to start: Volunteer. Run for local or state office. Give to charity (whether due to religion or effective altruism). Organize at work. Join a church or a community choir or the local library staff. Make your hometown a better place for refugees to settle. Raise a child well.

These may seem inconsequential, tasks unrelated to the final goal of restricting how much carbon dioxide enters the environment. And, admittedly, they are. But climate realists have always split their work between mitigation—that is, trying to keep the climate from getting worse—and adaptation—trying to protect what we already have. As more warming gets baked into the biosphere, as seas rise and livelihoods fall, these prosaic steps will become vital forms of adaptation.

Climate mitigation is a worthy goal in itself. It is all the more important when understood as one more type of long-term anti-fascism.



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