Showing posts with label Racism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Racism. Show all posts

December 1, 2016

A White Women Felt Like Not Paying: “I’m White, voted for Trump”




In the new Trump World, a shopper can rage and claim anti-white discrimination after being asked to purchase a $1 reusable bag at a Chicago-area arts and crafts store.

“I voted for Trump—so there,” the woman shouted, according to Raw Story. “You want to kick me out for that? And look who won.”

Several shoppers at Michaels began recording the angry woman’s outburst, which included saying that she was being discriminated against because she’s white. She also berated black employees and criticized a white woman for not taking her side in the dispute.

“I don’t know what you think you’re videoing, lady,” the unidentified woman shouted. “I was just discriminated against by two black women, and you being a white woman, you’re literally thinking that that’s OK? You standing there with your baby thinking that’s OK.”

The angry woman also accused the woman’s child of stealing and then took out her camera phone and started recording the woman’s child.

She ended her rant against the woman and turned back to the workers.

“You’re a liar; I don’t care because I’m a consumer,” she shouted at an employee. “I’m a customer.”

Watch the bizarre scene unfold below:


November 27, 2016

Trump is Assembling The Worst Racists, Homophobic Men



Bannon_Flynn_Session. Racists yes, humans? You judge. Trump’s team! would you expect less?
 
Donald Trump’s presidential campaign bludgeoned modern norms about the acceptability of racism. The candidate proposed a religious test for immigrants, and called a federal judge unfit on the grounds of his heritage. Trump could have decided to put the racial demagoguery of the campaign behind him, and it could have been remembered as a divisive ploy to win that did not define his administration, like George Bush’s manipulation of white racial panic to defeat Michael Dukakis in 1988. But Trump, perhaps predictably, is making a different choice. His early staffing choices are redefining the boundaries of acceptable racial discourse in Republican politics.
Michael Flynn, Trump’s new national security adviser, would be disqualified from a normal administration on multiple grounds. He is paid by authoritarian regimes in Turkey and Russia, as well as Russia’s propaganda apparatus. Multiple figures who worked with him in the military describe him as “unhinged,” a highly negative quality for a primary foreign-policy adviser.
The singular belief that lies at the core of Flynn’s worldview is indiscriminate hatred of Islam. George W. Bush’s administration took pains to distinguish terrorists who use Islam to justify murder from the peaceful majority. Since then, most Republicans have adopted the irresponsible talking point that it is essential to use the words “radical Islam” rather than phrasing calculated to win over Muslim moderates. Flynn takes this reasoning several steps further. He openly endorses indiscriminate fear of the entire religion.
 Jeff Sessions, Trump’s new attorney general, originally had the political profile of a white reactionary Alabama politician in the Old South mode. The Senate rejected his bid for a federal judgeship in 1986 over a series of racist remarks he’d made, some of which he confirmed. Sessions called the NAACP “un-American” and accused it of “forcing civil rights down the throats of people,” and he allegedly called a black lawyer “boy” and warned him to be careful how he addressed white people.
Despite his rejection by the Senate, Sessions won election in the state, and his racial repertoire has since expanded beyond the traditional Deep South mode. He has enthusiastically embraced arch-restrictionist stances on immigration. He objected to the National Endowment for the Humanities distributing books about Islam to public libraries. He is obsessed with a shadowy globalist media-business conspiracy in general, and the role of George Soros in particular.
Steve Bannon, Trump’s chief strategist, has attracted perhaps the most controversy. That Bannon’s ex-wife has testified to his hatred of Jews has attracted a great deal of attention, but this fact both over- and understates the racial nature of his beliefs. Bannon’s journalistic work is centrally dedicated to the task of refashioning conservatism along white-identity lines. His publication, Breitbart News, has promoted the “alt-right.” Breitbart itself defines the alt-right as a more intelligent version of skinheads:
There are many things that separate the alternative right from old-school racist skinheads (to whom they are often idiotically compared), but one thing stands out above all else: intelligence. Skinheads, by and large, are low-information, low-IQ thugs driven by the thrill of violence and tribal hatred. The alternative right are a much smarter group of people.
When asked by Trump about using immigration to keep talented minds, Bannon replied, “When two-thirds or three-quarters of the CEOs in Silicon Valley are from South Asia or from Asia, I think …” Bannon said. “A country is more than an economy. We’re a civic society.” This was false as a matter of fact, but reflected Bannon’s obsession with maintaining America’s white identity.
The right-wing columnist Ben Shapiro, a former Breitbart staffer, has lambasted the publication for abandoning traditional movement conservatism for the alt-right version. Bannon’s project at Breitbart and his work with Trump is the culmination of his ideological ambitions. He has dreamed of rebuilding the Republican Party around a principle of white-identity politics. Bannon avoids explicit appeals to formal racism, though he also cultivates alliances with explicit racists.
The theme connecting Bannon’s ideology with Flynn and Sessions is an intensified and narrow nationalism. The Bannonites see a “real” America as under threat by demographic transformation, and the waves of immigrants eating away at its culture from below are in alliance with a global and disproportionately Jewish media and business elite from above. Their project is to preserve white Christian American identity, and wage a civilizational war against Islam in alliance with other white Christian powers, especially Russia.
This ideology is often portrayed as a frontal attack on traditional conservatism. It is not quite that. Its differences with the Paul Ryan version of conservatism lie mostly around the margins and in its areas of emphasis. Many Republicans agree with free trade and have even been willing to support immigration reform if necessary to defend their party’s electoral viability. (In 2013, Republican barometers like Charles Krauthammer and Sean Hannity forcefully endorsed immigration reform.) But the main points of emphasis in traditional conservatism lie elsewhere. It is primarily concerned with opposing redistribution from rich to poor.
Bannon is less obsessed with cutting the top tax rate, deregulating Wall Street, and reducing social spending than the traditional GOP is, but he does not oppose these policies, either. That generalized agreement, or lack of disagreement, is the reason it is possible for white-identity conservatives and libertarian conservatives to work together under unified Republican government. Paul Ryan may not like racism — indeed, he conceded that Trump had made the “textbook definition” of a racist comment — but he is willing to work with racists to gut the welfare and regulatory states. If Trump had lost, the GOP would probably have reverted to its traditional anti-government identity very quickly. Now Trump is reshaping it before our eyes.

September 23, 2016

Trump’s Chair Raised Eye Brows with: ”There was no racism until 8 years ago”

Where does he gets them? From what rock did she crawl out of?  What, we never had “colored” bathrooms and “White only” swimming pools and water fountains?




Kathy Miller in The Guardian video.

  (THE GUARIDAN)
 


It’s  their  own fault.

A Donald Trump campaign chair in Ohio who said there was “no racism” until eight years ago and that the struggles of blacks are their “own fault” resigned Thursday, just hours after her comments were published.

She will be replaced by an African-American woman — who was once an outspoken Trump critic.

The ousted campaign chair, Kathy Miller, ran her racially insensitive mouth in a video interview with The Guardian, which was published Thursday morning.

Hillary Clinton trades jabs on Trump in ‘Between Two Ferns’ debut
In the clip, Miller said there was no racism in America “until Obama got elected.”

“Growing up as a kid, there was no racism, believe me,” Miller, who grew up in the ‘60s, told The Guardian.

“We were just all kids going to school.”

Miller also called the Black Lives Matter movement “a stupid waste of time” and said black voter turnout is relatively low because of “the way they’ve been raised.” 
She said blacks have no one but themselves to blame for any problems in America.

“If you’re black and you haven’t been successful in the last 50 years, it’s your own fault,” said Miller, who was chair of Trump’s campaign in Mahoning County.

“You’ve had every opportunity, it was given to you. You’ve had the same schools everybody else went to. You had benefits to go to college that white kids didn’t have. You had all the advantages and didn’t take advantage of it. It’s not our fault, certainly.”

When a reporter pointed out that some people were going to be offended by her comments, Miller replied, “I don’t care, it’s the truth.”

50 FAILS: Interactive state-by-state look at Trump and Clinton's controversies, flubs and insults

Soon after the video hit the web, Miller suddenly cared — and resigned from the campaign.

“My personal comments were inappropriate, and I apologize,” she said in a statement through the campaign.
 
“I am not a spokesperson for the campaign and was not speaking on its behalf. I have resigned as the volunteer campaign chair in Mahoning County and as an elector to the Electoral College to avoid any unnecessary distractions.”

The Trump campaign said Miller would be replaced by Tracey Winbush, an African-American woman who was recently elected treasurer of the Ohio GOP.

But Winbush only started supporting Trump once it became clear he would win the party’s nomination. As late as this March, she participated in a call to reporters in Ohio denouncing Trump.

One month later, she told Toledo Blade she realized she had to go with Trump.

“I’ve got to eat crow, and so do the rest of us,” she said.

The Trump campaign, Miller and Winbush could not be reached for comment.

Miller’s comments came as Trump has made an overt and awkward attempt to sway minority voters — especially in swing states like Ohio.

On Wednesday, Trump visited a black church in Cleveland — where boxing promoter Don King dropped the N-word while introducing the GOP nominee.

By the way Trump’s is making millions out of running for President. Usually candidates go broke spending too much in advertising and salaries. Not Trump.



NEW YORK DAILY NEWS

September 19, 2016

Trumps Wants to Walk Away from Birtherism now, But What Is It?


What is Birtherism? It is asking of a black president a question of legitimacy when you would not ask a white presidential candidate nor president the same.  It is a question of fairness;  If You demand something of me,  you will demand of others.  If you don’t why?  If we are both qualified, What is the difference then?  Skin color 

 You need to watch not the mouth but his deeds


was a stranger in a strange land—even though I was an American in the United States of America. That’s what it felt like recently as I was jogging through Surfside Beach, South Carolina, a mostly white area known for its beachfront homes, and stopped on a sidewalk for a few moments to turn my GPS watch on. A young white cop pulled up and asked me politely what I was doing, saying, “We got a call saying someone was just urinating in public.”
“I don’t know anything about that. It wasn’t me,” I responded.
Story Continued Below

“Well, you know we have to check these things out,” he said.
The cop was nonconfrontational, and I thanked him. Indeed, before returning to my jog and as he turned to get back into his car, I almost apologetically reached to give him a handshake. I felt compelled to do whatever possible to make sure he believed me when I said I belonged where I said did, on a street in the country where I was born and where citizens are supposed to be able to move around freely, as long as they don’t harm anyone else. A part of me was grateful, even, that he didn’t ask me for my papers (I didn’t have my wallet), because I was half-expecting to be treated like a black man who had wandered into the wrong area at the wrong time during Apartheid South Africa.

That scene came rushing back into my mind this week as Donald Trump once again began resurrecting the “birtherism” that made him so popular among white Americans for the past five years—and then, on Friday, without apology, without explanation, as TV hosts hung on his every word, just dropped it all, declaring in a single sentence that he now believes Barack Obama was born in America. Only a day ago, he was still playing the birthed card, evading the question of Obama’s nationality in an interview with The Washington Post.

Before that moment, it had always been hard for me to articulate why birtherism was such a big deal—though I’ve always known it was—and why that single, benign, incident-free interaction with a white cop ruined the rest of my day and made me feel ill.

Now I think I understand better. Birtherism, like a criminal justice system with racial disparities at every level, means that to be black in America is to forever be suspect. It means that someone like Trump can arbitrarily raise questions about your identity without evidence or justification—and it will stick. To many white voters, even the many who despise Trump and dismiss birtherism as nonsense, this issue has been little more than an unsavory campaign tactic. But to black Americans like me, it is deeply personal. It has confirmed things about the United States we had hoped were no longer true.

Birtherism means forever being a foreigner in your own country, forever having to prove you are worthy of the air you’ve been blessed to breathe, forever having to get the approval of white men, which can be taken from you in an instant—a reality that dates back to the antebellum period—no matter what you’ve accomplished, no matter how hard you’ve worked, no matter how much you’ve complied with the demands of a world that forever sees you as suspect until proven innocent, an innocence that has to be proven again and again and again in place after place and situation beyond situation.

And let’s not kid ourselves: Trump, in his phony ploy to win even more white voters by pretending to court black ones, may have technically disavowed birtherism (even as he blamed Hillary Clinton, falsely, for starting it), but it’s not going away. It affects not just Obama but young Hispanic immigrants, though they may be here legitimately, who’ve known no other country but this one, like one of my former students who, through tears, revealed to me she was a “Dreamer” in constant fear of being outed and deported. She didn’t let that burden hold her back and became one of my most accomplished students anyway, reminding me of the everyday black Americans I know who grin and bear daily slights and bouts with bigotry while never revealing the challenges they face.
It means you can be forever an alien in the place where you were born, no matter how far removed you are from the blood of stolen generations that fertilized the ground and made America’s prosperity possible. And there’s not a damn thing you can do about it.

This isn’t only about Trump and a crackpot theory that would have gotten no attention in a rational world. It strikes at the heart of what it is to be American, and who gets to decide.
There is no rest, no place for respite. Obama was born into a chaotic life, battled the tentacles of poverty and discrimination, and used education and hard work to attain the most powerful office in the world—all the while following the conservative mantra of getting married first then having kids in a committed, loving relationship—and still it wasn’t enough to qualify him as fully American in the eyes a significant amount of his fellow Americans.

Consider Trump, on the other hand. A white man who was born into so much wealth he lies about having received only a “small” $1 million loan from his father and rose to national political prominence by excluding the nation’s first black president from his definition of America—and tens of millions of white Americans followed his lead, which is why nearly three-quarters of Republicans either doubt or don’t believe Obama was even born here, and that more than half believe he is Muslim, their term for dangerous foreigner.

Add black or brown skin to normal dissent and you become even more suspect. Gabby Douglas’ poise and grace and gold medal weren’t enough to make her immune to it when she committed the sin of standing on the podium during the Olympics with reverence but not a hand over her heart. The bigoted stew Trump used as fuel to shoot to the top of the Republican Party has also been used to un-Americanize San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick, who decided to kneel during the national anthem as a peaceful protest.

***
That’s why birtherism has hit me the way I was hit by Travyon Martin’s death and being stopped by that Surfside Beach cop. Because despite the real progress we’ve made—the country my 14-year-old son was born into is more equal than the one into which me or my father grew up in—I know I’m only one uncomfortable or calculating white person away from having my American Card revoked.
What my fellow Americans, white Americans, don’t realize is that people like me daily waste enormous amounts of energy trying not to think about that reality. We don’t want to believe Martin’s death had anything to do with the color of his skin, don’t want to believe so many of our fellow citizens are OK with the level of bigotry Trump has trumpeted during this campaign, don’t want to believe one false move by our children might end with them in handcuffs or a cemetery even if they did nothing wrong.

We make excuses for our white friends who fiercely cling to their own comfort even if that means injustice will be harder to root out because those white friends become barriers, unwitting adversaries, in our war against it.

That’s why I was eager to shake that white cop’s hand. It was easier to do that than to ask him why he stopped me. Was he really responding to a 911 call? Did the caller describe a black man about 6 feet tall and 220 pounds wearing shorts and knee braces? Was the call made within the 3-minute time period since I had left my car? Was I the only person on the sidewalk he decided to stop?

It was easier than allowing my mind to imagine the worst, to wonder what would have happened if at the moment he was pulling over to stop me my GPS watch kicked in and I immediately entered into one of the near-sprints I occasionally break into during my morning jogs? I left my headphones in the car that morning. What if I had worn them that morning and didn’t hear him at all? Would I have been the next Walter Scott, with the numerous Trump supporters in my area lamenting my death but excusing the cop because I hadn’t properly complied?

Birtherism has put us in a similar bind. To acknowledge the obvious bigotry, and how much of the media seems incapable of properly dealing with it, is to be accused of being too sensitive about race; to deny it would mean once again swallowing a lie to make excuses for the white people who refuse to see the full you, to allow them to remain in their comfortable ignorance.

I don’t even know if the cop bothered noting his interaction with me in an official report. On one level, that makes perfect sense. He did nothing wrong. I did nothing wrong. There was no ugly incident. I imagine it is even the kind of peaceful interaction cops throughout the country would use in training sessions, about how to affect a professional police stop, the kind they’d like the media to report on more often than the comparatively infrequent encounters that end with a dead black man or woman.

I get that. But I also know why it bothered me anyway. Because it was a reminder that no matter what I had done up to that point in my life, my fate was in someone else’s hands, and even if he abused his power, he would be more likely to be rewarded than held accountable.

That’s why Trump’s playing the media for fools on Friday, simultaneously forcing them to give him outsized coverage that amounted to a multimillion-dollar TV ad and an infomercial for his new hotel, was illustrative. He rose to national political prominence on the bigotry of birtherism, used it to garner the support of millions of Americans who would be offended if that label is ever used to describe them, told a few lies while pretending to walk away from the fire he set— then had pundits wondering aloud if he could now put this all behind him.

Because he knows that he is more likely to be promoted for having used the image of a black man to his own ends than punished, just like so many wealthy white men before him, because he knows his fate isn’t in the hands of people like me, but instead people who’ve found a thousand ways to excuse raw bigotry, even this deep into 21st century America.

Birtherism is both backlash—white America’s way of trying to deal with a country in which they may soon no longer be the majority— and American heritage, a 21st century version of the bigoted stew that once fueled white Americans as they turned lynching into family picnics.
If Trump successfully uses it to become president, what will be the next form it takes?

ISSAC J. BAILEY
 @politico on Twitter | Politico on Facebook

                                   Jill Saloway believes Trump to have the same flaws as H                                                    
Transparent creator Jill Soloway called out Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump backstage at the Emmys, referring to him as "the inheritor to Hitler."
Soloway won best directing for a comedy series for Amazon's Transparent and stood next to star (and best-actor winner) Jeffrey Tambor backstage.
"(Trump) needs to be called out every chance we get as one of the most dangerous monsters to ever approach our lifetimes," Soloway said. "He’s a complete dangerous monster. Any moment I have to call out Donald Trump as the inheritor to Hitler, I will.

June 15, 2016

Trump’s Grand Daddy was A Racist, Arrested in KKK Brawl w/Cops


 If Trump’s Grand daddy would have been denied entrance here (we were in between wars with     Germany)Trump would not be here asking that other races be kept from here.
trumpsr1
According to a New York Times article published in June 1927, a man with the name and address of Donald Trump’s father was arraigned after Klan members attacked cops in Queens, N.Y.


nyttrumpIn an article subtitled "Klan assails policeman", Fred Trump is named in among those taken in during a late May "battle" in which "1,000 Klansmen and 100 policemen staged a free-for-all." At least two officers were hurt during the event, after which the Klan's activities were denounced by the city's Police Commissioner, Joseph A. Warren.

“The Klan not only wore gowns, but had hoods over their faces almost completely hiding their identity,” Warren was quoted as saying in the article, which goes on to identify seven men “arrested in the near-riot of the parade.”

Named alongside Trump are John E Kapp and John Marcy (charged with felonious assault in the attack on Patrolman William O'Neill and Sgt. William Lockyear), Fred Lyons, Thomas Caroll, Thomas Erwin, and Harry J Free. They were arraigned in Jamaica, N.Y. All seven were represented by the same lawyers, according to the article.

The final entry on the list reads: “Fred Trump of 175-24 Devonshire Road, Jamaica, was discharged.”
In 1927, Donald Trump's father would have been 21 years old, and not yet a well-known figure. Multiple sources report his residence at the time—and throughout his life—at the same address.

To be fair, Let’s give Trump the benefit of the doubt

To be clear, this is not proof that Trump senior—who would later go on to become a millionaire real estate developer—was a member of the Ku Klux Klan or even in attendance at the event. Despite sharing lawyers with the other men, it’s conceivable that he may have been an innocent bystander, falsely named, or otherwise the victim of mistaken identity during or following a chaotic event.
                                                              _*_

The name of Trump's grandfather, Friedrich Drumpf, was anglicized to Frederick Trump, but he died several years before the report.
A person answering calls at the N.Y.C. Police Department's Records Section said that arrest reports dating that far back were not available in any form. We've sent a formal request in writing and will update if and when we receive a response. We’ve also left a message with the Trump Campaign requesting a callback.

The article, published on June 1, 1927, describes police frustration at rowdy parades, the Klan's use of masks, and its growing presence in New York City. The Klan, originally founded in the 19th century, was reborn in 1915 as a violent supremacist organization associated with lynchings, white nationalism, and the distinctive white robes and hoods used by Klansmen to conceal their identity at parades and other events. At its mid-1920s peak, it had up to 6m members, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center.

Fred Trump, who died in 1999, was a New York real estate developer and the father of mogul and presidential candidate Donald Trump. Born in the Bronx to German immigrants, Fred became a real estate developer in his teens; at about the time of his apparent arrest, he was constructing single-family houses in Queens, according to his obituary in the Times. At his death, his net worth was estimated at between $250m and $300m. A savvy businessman and real estate developer, his wealth enabled the junior Trump to start big.
If the man arrested at the riotous Klan parade was indeed Donald's father, it would not be his last tangle with the law over issues concerning minorities. A 1979 article, published by Village Voice, reported on a civil rights suit that alleged that the Trumps refused to rent to black home-seekers, and quotes a rental agent who said Fred Trump instructed him not to rent to blacks and to encourage existing black tenants to leave. The case was settled in a 1975 consent degree described as “one of the most far-reaching ever negotiated,” but the Justice Department subsequently complained that continuing "racially discriminatory conduct by Trump agents has occurred with such frequency that it has created a substantial impediment to the full enjoyment of equal opportunity."
Donald Trump has made nativism a pillar of his campaign, describing Mexican immigrants as rapists and two Boston men who beat a homeless immigrant as “passionate" fans.

The events described in the Times’ article took place 22 years before Donald Trump was even born. But given the racially-charged tone of the younger Trump's campaign, it raises questions about the values he was taught by the man whose fortune he inherited. 
Archive link (requires subscription) [New York Times]
 This article first appeared on Sept 2015 on Boing Boing by MATT BLUM 

January 23, 2016

Trump’s Racist Dad and Donald’s Racist Beginning in NY’s Real Estate


=Blizzard Edition=

The following article was written by NATHAN TEMPEY IN  (Gothamist).
 as we wait for the blizzard we might get a little hot under the collar to learn about the rotten apple that fell from the rotten tree,
160122WoodyGuthrie.jpg
Woody Guthrie was no fan of fascism. (Public domain)
Folk icon Woody Guthrie, like many valiant New Yorkers before and after him, hated his landlord. Among the legions of aggrieved tenants, Guthrie is unique in that a) he was a pretty handy writer of songs and agitprop b) in the early 1950s he put some of that gift towards griping about his landlord's greed and racism and c) that landlord was Donald Trump's dad and silver spoon provider Fred Trump.
Gawker contributor recently paid a visit to Guthrie's archives in Oklahoma and uncovered a trove of Trump-bashing lyrics inspired by the troubadour's time at Trump's lily-white Beach Haven development in Gravesend, Brooklyn. 
As Gawker explains, the bard lived for two years in the middle-income development, backed by a Federal Housing Administration that, as part of its middle-class-building project following World War II, had become an ardent propagator of racial segregation. The elder Trump would later be investigated for over-billing on public contracts, but during his time as a tenant, Guthrie's chief concern was the racism of his neighbors and the exclusion of black people from "a decent place to get pregnant in and to have your kids raised up in." 
At the time of the 1950 Census, the tract that contained Beach Haven was home to 1,804 people, all but two of whom were white. The census takers did not record the races of the ultra-minorities in the neighborhood.
To an imagined African-American couple, Guthrie wrote in his notebook, "I’m yelling out my own welcome to you."
There were also these little ditties:
I suppose
Old Man Trump knows
Just how much
Racial Hate
he stirred up
In the bloodpot of human hearts
When he drawed
That color line
Here at his
Eighteen hundred family project
And, to the tune of "I Ain't Got No Home":
Beach Haven ain’t my home!
I just cain’t pay this rent!
My money’s down the drain!
And my soul is badly bent!
Beach Haven looks like heaven
Where no black ones come to roam!
No, no, no! Old Man Trump!
Old Beach Haven ain’t my home!
 The segregation at Beach Haven is one of many instances of overt and alleged bigotry attributed to the Trumps, spanning a period from Fred Trump's youth all the way to his son's current run for the country's highest office on a platform of naked racism and xenophobia. For example:
A man with Fred Trump's name and address was, according to a New York Times articlepublished in June 1927, arraigned after 1,000 Ku Klux Klan members attacked police in Queens. Donald Trump denied the man arrested was his father to the Times, then in the same interview seemingly confirmed it, saying, "It’s unfair to mention it, to be honest, because there were no charges."


A 1978 Village Voice investigation chronicled the fight over alleged systematic discrimination against black renters by the Trumps, and how they leveraged political connections to make millions. (Village Voice)
In the early 1970s, when Donald Trump was in his late 20s and beginning to play an executive role in his father's real estate empire, the federal government sued the Trumps, saying their company refused to rent to black people, and was throwing black apartment-seekers off by instructing supers and agents to claim units were no longer available, represent rents at higher than actual prices, and send them to an office to apply while white renters were given applications on site.
The Donald told the Times the charges were "absolutely ridiculous" and Trump Management sued the U.S. government for $100 million. A judge threw out that lawsuit, and in 1975 the Trumps settled, agreeing to send the Urban League a list of apartment vacancies weekly and let the organization send qualified applicants for one of every five listings for two years. After the agreement expired, the feds sued again, saying Trump Management was back to violating the Fair Housing Act.
Throughout the battle, Donald claimed that his company was being persecuted for refusing to house welfare recipients who couldn't afford apartments, which had no apparent basis in the allegations.
In 1983, the state's Division of Housing and Community Renewal said that two Trump Village developments in Coney Island were at least 95 percent white.
In 1989, the Trump of Our Time told SPY magazine that white people bear the brunt of discrimination these days, saying, "If I were starting off today, I would love to be a well-educated black, because I believe they do have an actual advantage."
The magazine also reported that a Trump Organization executive instructed a temp agency not to send black temp workers. A company spokeswoman denied the allegation, saying, "We have a new [black] gal [and] I think we have another one still with us."
In 1991, Trump the younger was accused by a former Trump Plaza Hotel & Casino president of saying "laziness is a trait in blacks" and "Black guys counting my money! I hate it. The only kind of people I want counting my money are short guys that wear yarmulkes every day." Trump later told Playboy that the former employee's book was "probably true," but that "the guy's a fucking loser. A fucking loser."
There was also, famously, the full-page ads Trump took out in newspapers during the prosecution of the Central Park Five calling for their execution over their alleged role in the rape of a white jogger. Following the exoneration of the five, Trump has been unapologetic, telling the Daily News
They should be very thankful I wasn’t mayor because they wouldn’t have gotten a dime. They owe the taxpayers of the city of New York an apology for taking money out of their pockets like candy from a baby.
The more recent the racial and nationalistic provocations, the more familiar—for instance, Trump's howling for President Obama to produce his birth certificate—but throughout it all, Trump says he has followed in the footsteps of Papa Fred.
This summer, Trump told the Washington Post, "My legacy has its roots in my father’s legacy."
The Trump legacy of racism doesn't just live on in the candidate's calls for President Obama's birth certificate, or his proposal that we destroy millions of immigrant families, or his calls to register Muslim-Americans. The Brooklyn zip code of Woody Guthrie's former home is still two-thirds white, according to census data, and has an African-American population of just 4.2 percent. The tract containing Beach Haven is even whiter, with 3,701 people of European ancestry living there, 81 percent of the total population, compared to just 142 African Americans, or 3 percent.

June 22, 2015

Mex Rock Group Goes After Trumps anti immigrant Comments


       

      



"When Mexico sends its people, they're not sending their best. They're sending people who have lots of problems (which include) drugs and being rapists," said Donald Trump, presidential hopeful and real estate mogul, recently. 
The statement has caused controversy and elicited much reaction in the Mexican-American and Latino community. 
"The remarks by Donald Trump seem prejudicial and absurd," Miguel Ángel Osorio Chong, Mexico's interior minister, told The Washington Post at an anti-discrimination event. 
The latest to fire back at Trump is Mexican rock group Maná, who dedicated a song to Trump entitled, "Somos Más Americanos." 
"There is a character named Donald Trump, who made very violent declarations with great hatred of Mexicans and Latin Americans and called us rapists, criminals, drug traffickers. This is all trash,” said Fher Olvera, group leader, in a press conference before their “Cama Incendiada" ("Burned Bed") tour at the Staples Center in Los Angeles. 
"He surely doesn't know the contributions made by migrants from practically every nation in the world, who have supported the development of the United States," Chong said. 
In his presidential nomination announcement, Trump also suggested building a great wall between the U.S. and Mexico and taking it one step further, Trump said, "I will make Mexico pay for that wall." 
Maná, a winner of 11 Grammys and 14 Billboard awards, cited Trump's announcement as hate speech. 
“To me it makes me sad because Mexicans have come to help build this country," said Olvera, "It is sad that someone with such hatred in his heart has a microphone to say those things."

 

June 20, 2015

Southern Grown Race Terrorism, Harvested by the GOP


Where did he get the notion this country and the South needed Protecting from him?


                                                                             

This time, we can know it was race terrorism. The act echoes America's greatest historical terror organization, the KKK, which murdered blacks who sought to change the existing white order. It echoes whites burning the AME Church to punish blacks for plotting against the existing white order. It echoes white revanchists burning and bombing churches in the Civil Rights era. It echoes an act of terror committed by a white supremacist against a minority church just three years ago. 
This time we can know it was terrorism because there's not a lot of wiggle room left in the terror debate when the killer reloaded five times, said, "You're taking over our country, and you have to go," and told one woman, "I'm going to let you go because I want you to be able to tell them what happened." We can know because even Fox News' morning zoo crew of Doocy, Kilmeade and Hasselbeck (imagine Strom Thurmond sired the Three Stooges) were forced to kick the football away from race and toward the massacre as an "attack on faith." It makes about as much sense as declaring 9/11 an act of architectural critique, but GOP presidential candidates picked up and ran with a theme that depicts white conservatives as targets just as much as the people dead on the church floor.
Thankfully, we can now move on to performative lamentations about politicizing the event, forgetting that terrorism, like war, is the advancement or retrenchment of a politics by other means. Here's Mona Charen writing in the famously pro-segregationist, terrorism-pardoningMLK-dismissing National Review, already shaking her head about how groups might have a political response to an act that is by definition political. Fighting violent politics with rhetorical politics is just opportunistic, dirty pool. What's next? The Green Bay Packers formulate a football response to the Chicago Bears scoring on them? 
The fact is, this is political because American movement conservatism has already made these kinds of killings political. The Republican Party has weaponized its supporters, made violence a virtue and, with almost every pronouncement for 50 years, given them an enemy politicized, racialized and indivisible. We can’t afford to allow political discussions of these events, because if we do, we might notice what’s already there, wracking the body politic like gangrene.
Movement conservatives have fetishized a tendentious and ahistorical reading of the Second Amendment to the point that the Constitution itself somehow paradoxically "legitimizes" an armed insurrection against the government created by it. Those leading said insurrection are swaddled by the blanket exculpation of patriotism. At the same time, they have synonymized the Democratic Party with illegitimacy and abuse of the American order. This is no longer an argument about whether one party's beliefs are beneficial or harmful, but an attitude that labels leftism so antithetical to the American idea that empowering it on any level is an act of usurpation. Leftism no longer constitutes a debatable misuse of American power, but theft and governmental overreach.
And nothing — nothing — emphasizes that overreach and theft like black people. Mendacious twit and South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley issued a statement saying, "We do know that we'll never understand what motivates anyone to enter one of our places of worship and take the life of another," but to riddle it out all she needed to do was go outside and look up at the traitorous rag borne by Confederate armies and raiding parties and rapists and murderers that flaps outside the capitol as if to say, "Enact change at your own risk."
For the neoconfederate ghouls driving movement conservatism, that rag represents the first leftist-directed black theft. A quite literal one: They are taking the black people that are our property. It's there to repudiate Reconstruction — government redistribution of property for former slaves and reshaping of government to create a proportional voice for blacks. It was dragged back out to respond to the Civil Rights movement: the theft of whites' ability to codify privilege and plunder into the law, "robbing" them of a permanent subservient underclass created through systemic disenfranchisement and deprivation. That last reaction is the permanent subtext of one half of the American political dialogue, the long low dog whistle that entered the mainstream of American conservatism with Nixon and the Southern Strategy in 1968 — a toxic mixture of anti-government resentment, absolute refusal to recognize the left as legitimate, and racial loathing.
With each new iteration of right-wing reaction, another layer of distinction between the objects of their resentment has eroded, until Democrats, minorities and theft function as one aggregate of American subversion. Probably nothing certified this perception for movement conservatism quite like Barack Obama's winning the presidency twice as a milquetoast social democrat, and with over 94 percent of the black vote: plain and simple, when Barack Obama stole the country from its rightful stewards, it was black Americans who did it. But he needn't have bothered. Obama merely confirmed an extant narrative that equated all vaguely left-leaning government action with mass redistribution to a parasitic black population on the road to American collapse. Lee Atwater, the former Republican National Committee Chairman and advisor to both Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush, summed it up better and more emphatically than anyone else could:
“You start out in 1954 by saying, ‘Nigger, nigger, nigger.’ By 1968 you can't say ‘nigger’—that hurts you. Backfires. So you say stuff like forced busing, states' rights and all that stuff. You're getting so abstract now [that] you're talking about cutting taxes, and all these things you're talking about are totally economic things and a byproduct of them is [that] blacks get hurt worse than whites. And subconsciously maybe that is part of it. I'm not saying that. But I'm saying that if it is getting that abstract, and that coded, that we are doing away with the racial problem one way or the other. You follow me—because obviously sitting around saying, ‘We want to cut this,’ is much more abstract than even the busing thing, and a hell of a lot more abstract than ‘Nigger, nigger.’” 
The enemy is one entity now. Black people are the engine of the Democratic Party, which is the engine of bad government, which is the engine of illegitimate oppression. They are part of a vast national criminal enterprise — against which our founders gave us a special amendment as a lethal and liberating tool. To kill them is an act of rebellion, the hunting down of the criminal and the freeing of yourself and the just.

It's still theoretically possible that Dylann Roof is merely insane, that his insanity coincidentally led him into a black church that stood as a historical symbol of black resistance and progressive politics and just happened to kill only nine black people, reload five times and leave a witness behind to testify as to his racist message. Maybe it's just a coincidence that the black community leader assassinated in that church was a Democratic state senator pushing for not only police reform but for gun control — a rolling back of not only the last bulwark of unofficial white supremacy and unaccountable racial punishment but of the easiest means for citizens to frighten and intimidate the "other" in their midst. And maybe he was inspired to choose these targets and send this message in a vacuum, an autodidact completely unaware of a flag of treason flying over Charleston and a mainstream political movement that trades heavily in the rhetoric of the rebellion that flew it. You could also win the lottery tomorrow.
But whatever you do, do not profane this moment by politicizing it. Do not ask about the politics of Fox News and Republican leaders celebrating an armed, avowed criminal like Cliven Bundy because he spouted neoconfederate language while painting himself as a victim in an America where blacks were worse off than when they were slaves. Do not ask why you can find pictures of Ron Paul shaking hands with the founder of America's biggest white supremacy website and why he made millions off spectacularly racist newsletters. Do not ask whether his son's opposition to the Civil Rights Act might have more to do with whatever thought process leads him to keep employing white supremacists as staffers. Do not ask why the former governor of Texas used to hang out at Niggerhead Ranch and winkingly campaigns on his support for Tentherism. Speaking of which, do not ask why that constitutional interpretation has led multiple conservative state legislatures to pass nullification acts of gun control just as conservative attorneys general invoked nullification to undermine an Affordable Care Act that the Tea Party demonized as an imperial handout to shiftless minorities. Do not ask why Newt Gingrich's biggest applause line of the 2012 campaign outside of "Obama is a food stamp president" was berating black debate moderator Juan Williams in South Carolina (for whom "work...seemed to be a strange, distant concept"), while the biggest Kinsley gaffe of 2012 was Rick Santorum saying, "I don't want to make black people’s lives better by giving them somebody else’s money." Do not ask why, in the first year of Obama's presidency, when everyone was still paying Bush administration tax rates, it was important to take to the streets with AR-15s to stop someone from Kenya from stealing white people's country. Do not ask why the most conservative Supreme Court in generations preposterously declared racism over and rolled back the Voting Rights Act or why conservative state houses immediately began enacting voting restrictions targeted at blacks. Absolutely do not ask why right-wing hacks and politicians scream bloody murder when the Department of Homeland Security reports on right-wing, racist domestic terror and ignores when law enforcement cites right-wing extremism as our main terror threat. All of that happens in a vacuum, and no one could possibly learn from that.
Most of all, do not under any circumstances politicize this moment, because you might risk discovering how much it could echo 50 years of the violently anti-government racialized rhetoric of a Republican Party piggybacking on 150 years of Southern white resentment. Because that would mean at least two weeks of everyone laboriously having to explain to you what a horrible, misleadingly coincidental thing Dylann Roof's alleged acts were. You'll want that explanation to seem fresh when the next coincidence happens. And the next. And the next.


The Confederate flag
Charleston's History of Hellish Violence


 

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